EVROPSKI SUD ZA LJUDSKA PRAVA
ČETVRTI ODJEL
PREDMET BARALIJA PROTIV BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE
(Aplikacija br.30100/18)
PRESUDA
STRASBOURG
29.10.2019. godine
Ova presuda će postati konaĉna pod uvjetima propisanim u ĉlanu 44. stav 2. Konvencije. U presudi su moguće uredniĉke izmjene.
U predmetu Baralija protiv Bosne i Hercegovine, Evropski sud za ljudska prava (Ĉetvrti odjel), zasjedajući u vijeću u sastavu:
Jon Fridrik Kjølbro, predsjednik,
Faris Vehabović,
Branko Lubarda,
Carlo Ranzoni,
Stéphanie Mourou-Vikström,
Georges Ravarani,
Péter Paczolay, sudije,
i Andrea Tamietti, zamjenik registrara Odjela,
nakon vijećanja zatvorenog za javnost, održanog 8. oktobra 2019. godine, donijelo je slijedeću presudu:
POSTUPAK
ĈINJENICE
I OKOLNOSTI SLUĈAJA
„65. Ispostavilo se da je uspostavljanje zadovoljavajućih rješenja dugoroĉan projekat. Upravni odbor Vijeća za provedbu mira, na svom zasjedanju održanom u Briselu 11. decembra 2003. godine, preuzeo je obavezu da pruži punu podršku realizaciji rješenja pitanja Mostara koje je utemeljeno na, jedinstvenoj i cjelovitoj gradskoj upravi s uĉinkovitim mehanizmima podjele vlasti, a kojima se spreĉava da bilo koji narod ima većinsku kontrolu nad Gradskim vijećem. Takodjer, Komisija za reformu Grada Mostara (u daljnjem tekstu: Komisija), koja je osnovana Odlukom Visokog, predstavnika broj 160/03 od 17. septembra 2003. godine, u Izvještaju od 15. decembra 2003. godine je navela da se prilikom pripremanja novog statuta za Mostar rukovodila odredjenim principima kao smjernicama u radu, koje je Komisiji dao Visoki predstavnik u svom amicus curiae mišljenju u ovom predmetu. Izmedju ostalog, smjernice su bile da sastav Gradske uprave treba odražavati posljednji popis stanovništva (iz 1991. godine), kao i da jedinstveno vijeće i izborni sistem treba da osigura zastupljenost svih konstitutivnih naroda i Ostalih, kao i zastupljenost svih dijelova Mostara. Da bi objasnio rješenja koja su usvojena za Mostar, u amicus curiae mišljenju Visoki predstavnik citira zapažanja Venecijanske komisije iz izvještaja za 2001. godinu kojim se podržava postavka da je raspodjela pozicija izmedju konstitutivnih naroda bila centralni element Dejtonskog sporazuma kojim je omogućen mir u Bosni i Hercegovini, bez obzira koliko je to problematiĉno u pogledu spreĉavanja diskriminacije. Takodjer, iz izvještaja Venecijanske komisije, Visoki predstavnik citira navode koji se odnose na poteškoće pri reformi gradske uprave Mostara koja je imala za cilj povećanje djelotvornosti i uspješnosti centralnih vlasti i uspostavljanje autentiĉnog demokratskog politiĉkog sistema umjesto onog koji se zasniva samo na vlastitim interesima politiĉara i na politici straha. Komisija u svom izvještaju insistira da „bilo koja reforma Mostara se mora zasnivati ne na broju stanovnika, nego na obavezi osiguranja zaštite ljudskih prava, prava konstitutivnih naroda i Ostalih, putem zaštite vitalnih nacionalnih interesa“. U predmetnom izvještaju je naveden podatak koji se tiĉe demografske strukture predratne općine Mostar iz 1991. godine - 43.856 Bošnjaka (34,6%), 43.037 Hrvata (34%), 23.864 Srba (18,8%), 12.768 Jugoslavena (11,1%) i 3.121 Ostalih (2,5%). Odredbe ĉlana 19.4. st. 1. i 9. Izbornog zakona i ĉlana 16. Statuta odražavaju posljednji popis stanovništva Grada Mostara i osiguravaju zastupljenost svih konstitutivnih naroda, te da nijedan narod nema apsolutnu većinu u gradskom vijeću. (2.5%). Odredbe ĉlana 19.4. st. 1. i 9. Izbornog zakona i ĉlana 16. Statuta odražavaju posljednji popis stanovništva Grada Mostara i osiguravaju zastupljenost svih konstitutivnih naroda, te da nijedan narod nema apsolutnu većinu u gradskom vijeću.
...
71. ... Ustavni sud smatra da poslijeratna društvena i politiĉka situacija u kojoj se nalazi Bosna i Hercegovina, a posebno Grad Mostar, ostaje takva da je i dalje razumno da se pristupi politiĉkoj organizaciji Grada Mostara na osnovama ustanovljenim 2003. godine. Primjenjujući test proporcionalnosti, Ustavni sud zakljuĉuje da osporene mjere dovode do razlika u postupanju prema konstitutivnim narodima u razliĉitim gradovima, ali da poteškoće sa kojima se suoĉavaju u Mostaru, kao što je to ustanovila Komisija u svom izvještaju iz decembra 2003. godine, i dalje ostaju naroĉito nesavladive. Mjere služe zakonitom cilju tako što postavljaju strukturu podjele vlasti za koju se razumno nadati da će postepeno poboljšati kvalitet politiĉkih procesa u gradu. One su razumno povezane sa zakonitim ciljem. Njihov rezultat može biti takav da Gradsko vijeće može biti uspostavljeno na naĉin koji taĉno ne odražava izraženo mišljenje biraĉkog tijela na izborima, a to je znaĉajan nedostatak u pogledu demokratskog legitimiteta sistema. U svakom sluĉaju, prema oskudnim informacijama koje su trenutno dostupne, ne može se reći da će uĉinak vjerovatno biti neproporcionalan važnosti cilja.
...
77.... Ustavni sud smatra da je potreba za bavljenjem postratnim društvenim i politiĉkim uvjetima koji utiĉu na stanje u Bosni i Hercegovini, a naroĉito Grad Mostar, i dalje legitiman cilj koji bi mogao opravdati odstupanje od normalnog demokratskog principa prema kojem bi svaki biraĉki glas trebao imati sliĉnu težinu u onoj mjeri u kojoj je to moguće. Medjutim, Ustavni sud ne smatra zadovoljavajućim da su razlike izmedju vrijednosti glasova biraĉa u razliĉitim izbornim jedinicama proporcionalne u smislu da se objektivno i racionalno odnose na legitimni cilj razvoja multietniĉke strukture podjele vlasti za koju se razumno može nadati da će postepeno poboljšati kvalitet politiĉkog procesa u gradu. Ljestvica razlika, koja je naznaĉena u taĉki 76. gore, proizlazi direktno iz dvije odluke: prvo, zasnovati granice izbornih jedinica direktno na granicama bivših gradskih podruĉja; drugo, dodijeliti isti broj vijećnika svakoj od tih izbornih jedinica. Ustavni sud smatra da obje odluke proizlaze iz želje za administrativnom jednostavnošću prije nego što su to potrebne, razumne ili proporcionalne mjere za razvoj strukture podjele vlasti ili multietniĉke zajednice u Mostaru. Prema tome, Ustavni sud smatra da varijacija na ovoj ljestvici ne može biti opravdana u smislu da je potrebna ili proporcionalna bilo kojem legitimnom cilju. Stoga, Ustavni sud utvrdjuje da odredbe ĉlana 19.4. stav 2. Izbornog zakona i ĉlana 17. stav 1. Statuta u dijelu u kojem glasi: «U svakom gradskom podruĉju se biraju po tri (3) vijećnika» nisu u skladu s ĉlanom 25. Medjunarodnog pakta o gradjanskim i politiĉkim pravima. Ne bi bilo adekvatno da Ustavni sud poništi relevantne propise s neposrednim dejstvom jer bi to dovelo do situacije u kojoj bi zahvaćene izborne jedinice ostale bez prava glasa dok zakonodavstvo ne donese nove zakone koji bi redefinirali granice izbornih jedinica. Prema tome, Ustavni sud odredjuje nadležnim vlastima period od šest mjeseci od dana objave ove odluke u «Službenom glasniku Bosne i Hercegovine» da usklade relevantne odredbe s Ustavom Bosne i Hercegovine, u skladu s ovom odlukom..
...80. Ustavni sud ukazuje da je odredbama ĉlana 19.2. Izbornog zakona i odredbama ĉlana 15. u vezi s ĉl. 5. i 7. Statuta propisano da se vijećnici u Gradskom vijeću biraju u gradskoj izbornoj jedinici koja obuhvata cijelo podruĉje Grada i izbornim jedinicama gradskog podruĉja koje odgovaraju bivšim gradskim općinama. U vezi s tim, Ustavni sud podsjeća da je Prelaznim statutom utemeljeno šest općinskih podruĉja ili «gradskih općina»: Mostar Jug, Mostar Jugozapad, Mostar Zapad, Mostar Jugoistok, Mostar Sjever i Stari Grad. Takodjer, Ustavni sud podsjeća da je prema Prelaznom statutu Centralna zona, koja je u centru tradicionalno komercijalnog i turistiĉkog središta grada, trebala biti pod direktnom upravom Gradske uprave. Dakle, iz navedenog proizlazi da Centralna zona nije predstavljala «gradsku općinu» prema Prelaznom statutu, kao i da ne predstavlja ni «gradsko podruĉje» prema novom Statutu.
81... stanovnici Centralne zone Mostara mogu birati samo 17 vijećnika koji zastupaju gradsku izbornu jedinicu koja obuhvata cijelo podruĉje Grada. Za razliku od stanovnika ostalih šest gradskih općina, oni nemaju mogućnost da biraju i tri vijećnika koji bi zastupali njihovo podruĉje u Gradskom vijeću. Kao posljedica naĉina na koji se uspostavljaju komisije Gradskog vijeća, Centralna zona je jedino podruĉje grada koje nema svoje predstavnike u povjerenstvima.
82. Ustavni sud smatra da ovakva organizacija ne osigurava 'jednaku zastupljenost' biraĉa u gradu Mostaru i nije u skladu s ĉlanom 25.b) Medjunarodnog pakta. Većina glasaĉa u Mostaru bira dvije vrste vijećnika. Biraĉi u Centralnoj zoni mogu birati samo jednu vrstu vijećnika. Ova oĉita neravnopravnost ne može se opravdati, imajući na umu, kako je Ustavni sud već ranije zapazio, da je razlog za usvajanje takvog rješenja bio prije svega administrativna pogodnost a ne racionalan naĉin za postizanje legitimnog cilja kao što je to uvodjenje izbornog sistema koji uzima u obzir historijske probleme koji utiĉu na konstitutivne narode u Mostaru. Iz navedenog proizlazi da ova rješenja takodjer krše ĉlanom II/4. Ustava BiH zagarantiranu zaštitu od diskriminacije...“
II RELEVANTNO DOMAĆE PRAVO I PRAKSA
A. Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine
Član II/4
“Uživanje prava i sloboda, predvidjenih u ovom ĉlanu ili u medjunarodnim sporazumima navedenim u Aneksu I ovog Ustava, osigurano je svim licima u Bosni i Hercegovini bez diskriminacije po bilo kojem osnovu kao što je pol, rasa, boja, jezik, vjera, politiĉko i drugo mišljenje, nacionalno ili socijalno porijeklo, povezanost sa nacionalnom manjinom, imovina, rodjenje ili drugi status.”
Aneks I
(Dodatni sporazumi o ljudskim pravima koji će se primjenjivati u Bosni i Hercegovini)
“...
7. Medjunarodni pakt o gradjanskim i politiĉkim pravima (1966) i Opcioni protokoli (1966. i 1989).
...”
B. Ustav Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine
Član II.A.2.
“(2) Svi gradjani uživaju:
...
(b) politiĉka prava: da uĉestvuju u javnim poslovima; da imaju jednak pristup javnim službama; da biraju i da budu birani.
...”
Član IV.A.
“...
(2) Odgovornosti grada obuhvataju: a) finansije i poresku politiku, u skladu sa federalnim i kantonalnim zakonima, b) zajedniĉku infrastrukturu, c) urbanistiĉko planiranje, d) javni promet, e) druge nadležnosti koje gradu povjeri kanton, odnosno koje prenesu općine.
...
(5) Gradsko vijeće: a) priprema i dvotrećinskom većinom usvaja statut grada, b) bira gradonaĉelnika, c) donosi budžet grada, d) donosi propise u izvršavanju prenesenih ovlaštenja i vrši druga ovlaštenja utvrdjena statutom.
(6) Odgovornost gradonaĉelnika je: a) imenovanje i smjenjivanje gradskih funkcionera, b) provodjenje gradske politike i izvršavanja gradskih propisa, c) osiguranje saradnje gradskih funkcionera sa obudsmenima, d) podnošenje izvještaja gradskom vijeću i javnosti o provodjenju gradske politike..”
Član IV.C.
“...
(3) Organizacija Grada Mostara regulira se zakonom i Statutom Grada Mostara...
(4) Gradska podruĉja su izborne jedinice. Statutom se odredjuje sastav Gradskog vijeća, a izborni postupak regulira se Izbornim zakonom Bosne i Hercegovine i Statutom...”
C. Izborni zakon iz 2001. godine
Član 1.4
„(1) Svaki državljanin Bosne i Hercegovine sa navršenih osamnaest (18) godina života ima pravo da glasa i da bude izabran (u daljnjem tekstu: biraĉko pravo), u skladu s odredbama ovog zakona.
(2) Da bi ostvario svoje biraĉko pravo, državljanin mora biti registriran kao biraĉ, u skladu s ovim zakonom.“
Član 1.5
„(1) Svi državljani Bosne i Hercegovine, koji imaju biraĉko pravo, imaju pravo da se registriraju i da glasaju liĉno u općini u kojoj imaju prebivalište.“
Član 19.1
„Ovim Zakonom se uredjuje izbor vijećnika u Vijeće Grada Mostara (u daljem tekstu: Gradsko vijeće) ...“
Član 19.2
„(1) U sastav Gradskog vijeća ulazi 35 ĉlanova. Vijećnici u Gradskom vijeću se biraju u gradskoj izbornoj jedinici i izbornim jedinicama gradskog podruĉja, na naĉin utvrdjen u ĉlanu 19.4 ovog Zakona.
...
(3) „Izborne jedinice gradskog podruĉja“ u smislu stava (1) ovog ĉlana su bivše gradske općine kako je to definirano ĉlanom 7. i 15. Statuta Grada Mostara.“
Član 19.4
“...
(2) Tri vijećnika se biraju iz svake od 6 izbornih jedinica gradskog podruĉja.
(3) Izborna jedinica gradskog podruĉja 1 sastoji se od bivše gradske općine Mostar Sjever.
(4) Izborna jedinica gradskog podruĉja 2 sastoji se od bivše gradske općine Mostar Stari Grad.
(5) Izborna jedinica gradskog podruĉja 3 sastoji se od bivše gradske općine Mostar Jugoistok.
(6) Izborna jedinica gradskog podruĉja 4 sastoji se od bivše gradske općine Mostar Jug.
(7) Izborna jedinica gradskog podruĉja 5 sastoji se od bivše gradske općine Mostar Jugozapad.
(8) Izborna jedinica gradskog podruĉja 6 sastoji se od bivše gradske općine Mostar Zapad.“
D. Statut Grada Mostara
Član 13.
„Organi Grada su Gradsko vijeće i Gradonaĉelnik.“
Član 14.
„Gradsko vijeće Grada ... se sastoji od 35 vijećnika, koji se biraju na slobodnim, demokratskim i neposrednim izborima u skladu sa Izbornim zakonom Bosne i Hercegovine.“
Član 15.
„(1) Vijećnici u Gradskom vijeću se biraju u izbornim jedinicama.
(2) Izborne jedinice u Gradu su podruĉje Grada i šest gradskih podruĉja, kako je definisano u ĉlanovima 5. i 7. ovog Statuta i mapi priloženoj u Privremenom statutu objavljenom u „Gradskom službenom glasniku Grada Mostara“ od 20. februara 1996. godine ..., koja je sastavni dio ovog Statuta.“
Član 28.
„(1) Gradsko vijeće je najviši organ Grada i odgovorno je za sva pitanja koja su u njegovoj nadležnosti u skladu sa ustavima i zakonom.
(2) Gradsko vijeće nadzire upravu Grada, ukljuĉujući gradonaĉelnikov ured.....“
Član 44.
„(1) Na mjesto gradonaĉelnika mogu biti izabrani samo vijećnici izabrani u Gradsko vijeće.
(2) Izbor gradonaĉelnika će se vršiti na prvoj sjednici Gradskog vijeća nakon izborâ.
...“
Član 17.
„(1) U svakom gradskom podruĉju se biraju po tri (3) vijećnika. Preostalih sedamnaest (17) vijećnika se bira na podruĉju Grada kao jedne izborne jedinice (u daljem tekstu: Gradska lista).“
E. Praksa Ustavnog suda koja se odnosi na prelazne mjere
III. RELEVANTNI MEĐUNARODNI DOKUMENTI
A. Ujedinjeni narodi
„Svaki gradjanin treba da ima pravo i mogućnost da bez ikakvih razlika navedenih u ĉlanu 2. i bez nerazumnih ograniĉenja:
...
(b) bira i bude biran pravedno provedenim, povremenim izborima sa općim i jednakim pravom glasa i tajnim glasanjem, koji osiguravaju slobodno izražavanje volje biraĉa;
...“
“1. U ĉlanu 25. Pakta priznaje se i štiti pravo svakog gradjanina da uĉestvuje u obavljanju javnih poslova, pravo da glasa i pravo da bude biran, kao i pravo da mu bude dostupno uĉešće u radu javnih službi. Sve države, bez obzira na ustavno uredjenje i oblik vlasti, dužne su prema Paktu da usvoje zakonske i druge mjere koje su neophodne da bi se gradjanima omogućilo uživanje navedenih prava. Ĉlan 25. predstavlja suštinu svake demokratske vlasti koja je zasnovana na pristanku gradjana i koja poštuje principe na kojima poĉiva Pakt.
...
9. Ĉlan 25. stav (b) sadrži specifiĉne odredbe koje se odnose na pravo gradjana da uĉestvuju u vodjenju javnih poslova kao biraĉi ili kandidati na izborima. Pošteni periodiĉni izbori, u skladu sa stavom (b), od suštinskog su znaĉaja za osiguranje odgovornosti predstavnika za vršenje zakonodavnih ili izvršnih ovlasti koje su im povjerene. Ovakvi izbori moraju da se održavaju u vremenskim intervalima koji nisu nesrazmjerno dugi i koji obezbjedjuju da vladavina vlasti sve vrijeme bude zasnovana na slobodno izraženoj volji biraĉa. Prava i obaveze iz stava (b) treba da budu zakonom garantovani.
...
11. Države moraju preduzeti efikasne mjere kako bi osigurale da sve osobe koje imaju pravo glasa mogu da ostvare to pravo.“
„Nadležne politiĉke stranke nisu mogle postići dogovor o donošenju izmjena Izbornog zakona BiH koje bi omogućile održavanje lokalnih izbora u Gradu Mostaru, gdje nisu održani lokalni izbori od 2008. godine. Iako se Gradsko vijeće Mostara sastavljeno od devet parlamentarnih stranaka (SDA, HDZ BiH, HDZ 1990, SDP, SBB, DF, BPS, SNSD i SDS) sastalo devet puta u periodu od februara do juna [2018] povodom ovog pitanja i pronašlo dogovore u nekim oblastima, nije uspjelo postići konaĉni dogovor i nema daljnjih razgovora. I dalje pozivam stranke da pronadju kompromis kako bi gradjanima Mostara omogućile isto demokratsko pravo da biraju svoje lokalne ĉelnike kao i što ga uživaju gradjani u ostatku zemlje..“
„U izvještajnom razdoblju [od 16. 10. 2018. do 15. 04..2019.] odgovorne politiĉke stranke nisu imale razgovore radi postizanja sporazuma o donošenju izmjena Izbornog zakona BiH koje bi regulirale lokalne izbore u Gradu Mostaru, a razgovora uopće nije bilo od 2008. godine. Pozivam strane da pokrenu razgovore da konaĉno riješe to pitanje i omoguće gradjanima Mostara uživanje istog demokratskog prava da biraju svoje lokalne vodje kao i gradjani u ostatku zemlje..“
B. Vijeće Evrope
Preambula
„...
Imajući u vidu da su lokalne vlasti jedan od osnovnih temelja svakog demokratskog režima;
..“
Član 3. – Pojam lokalne samouprave
„1. Lokalna samouprava podrazumijeva pravo i sposobnost lokalnih vlasti da, u granicama zakona, reguliraju i rukovode znatnim dijelom javnih poslova na osnovu vlastite odgovornosti i u interesu lokalnog stanovništva.
2. Ovo pravo lokalne vlasti vrše putem vijeća i skupština, sastavljenih od ĉlanova izabranih na slobodnih izborima, tajnim glasanjem, na bazi neposrednog, općeg, za sve jednakog biraĉkog prava, a koji (vijeća i skupštine) mogu da imaju izvršne organe koji su im odgovorni. Ova odredba ni na koji naĉin ne utiĉe na pravo organiziranja zborova gradjana, referenduma ili bilo kojeg drugog oblika neposrednog uĉešća gradjana u odluĉivanju – kada je to predvidjeno zakonom..“
„7. ... [Kongres] je zabrinut zbog stanja lokalne demokracije u Gradu Mostaru, gdje 2. oktobra nisu održani izbori i poziva sve politiĉke aktere da pronadju odgovarajuće i održivo rješenje za postojeći zastoj.“
„27. Aktualnu situaciju u Mostaru takodjer treba sagledati u širem kontekstu sveukupnog politiĉkog sukoba zbog promjena izbornog zakonodavstva u Bosni i Hercegovini. Potrebne izmjene Statuta Grada Mostara politizirane su kao dio šire politiĉke rasprave koja posebno ukljuĉuje provedbu dviju presuda Evropskog suda za ljudska prava i nedavne Odluke Ustavnog suda Bosne i Hercegovine.
...
33. Kongres poziva sve aktere, posebno one koji uĉestvuju u medjuagencijskoj radnoj grupi za izmjene izbornog zakonodavstva, da preduzmu mjere kako bi se osiguralo da usaglašene izmjene i dopune budu pravovremeno usvojene. Složenost cjelokupne situacije s obzirom na Izborni zakon ne bi se trebala koristiti kao izgovor da se ne predlažu tehniĉka poboljšanja izbornih procesa.
24. U skladu s tim, traži se od vlasti na svim nivoima da rade na održivom rješenju za obnovu lokalne demokratije u Gradu Mostaru. Posebno trebaju pregovarati o izmjenama Izbornog zakona i Statuta Grada, a prepreke za postizanje napretka u vezi s izmjenama Izbornog zakona ne smiju se koristiti kao izgovor da se ne nadje rješenje za Grad Mostar. U tom procesu treba u potpunosti i taĉno uzeti u obzir interese stanovnika Mostara.“
„9. Skupština takodjer poziva vlasti Bosne i Hercegovine da usvoje izmjene potrebne za provodjenje odluka Ustavnog suda o izbornom sistemu Grada Mostara... 10. Za Skupštinu je vrlo problematiĉno da vlasti ne mogu obezbijediti politiĉku volju potrebnu za okonĉanje situacije u kojoj gradjani Mostara već osam godina nisu bili u mogućnosti da koriste svoje pravo da biraju svoje predstavnike u Gradsko vijeće....
16. Skupština je veoma zabrinuta zbog sve većeg nepoštivanja vladavine zakona u Bosni i Hercegovini i poziva nadležna tijela da se pridržavaju odluka Ustavnog suda ... koje su konaĉne i obvezujuće. Posebno žali zbog… dugotrajnog odlaganja Državnog parlamenta da provede odluku Ustavnog suda o Mostaru.“
C. Evropska unija
„Kada je rijeĉ o lokalnim izborima, zbog nedostatka pravnog okvira gradjani Mostara ne mogu izabrati općinsko vijeće od 2008. godine.
...
Evropska komisija smatra da bi se pregovori za pristupanje Bosne i Hercegovine Evropskoj uniji trebali otvoriti kada zemlja postigne potreban stepen uskladjenosti s kriterijima za ĉlanstvo, a posebno sa politiĉkim kriterijima iz Kopenhagena kojima se zahtijeva stabilnost institucija koje naroĉito garantiraju demokratiju i vladavinu prava. Bosna i Hercegovina će morati temeljito poboljšati svoj zakonodavni i institucionalni okvir kako bi se osiguralo ispunjavanje sljedećih kljuĉnih prioriteta:
Demokratija / Funkcionalnost
1. Osigurati da se izbori održe u skladu s evropskim standardima tako što će se provesti relevantne preporuke OSCE-a/ODIHR-a i Venecijanske komisije, osigurati transparentnost finansiranja politiĉkih stranaka i održati lokalni izbori u Mostaru.
...“
PRAVO
I NAVODNA POVREDA ĈLANA 1. PROTOKOLA BR. 12 UZ KONVENCIJU
„1. Uživanje svih prava odredjenih zakonom osigurat će se bez diskriminacije na bilo kojoj osnovi kao što je spol, rasa, boja kože, jezik, vjera, politiĉko ili drugo mišljenje, nacionalno ili socijalno porijeklo, pripadnost nacionalnoj manjini, imovina, rodjenje ili drugi status.
2. Niko ne smije biti diskriminiran od strane javnih tijela na bilo kojoj osnovi kao što su one navedene u stavu 1.“
A. Dopuštenost
1. Prigovori Vlade u pogledu dopuštenosti
2. Ocjena Suda
(a) Spojivost ratione personae
3. Zakljuĉak
B. Meritum
1. Navodi aplikantice
2. Navodi vlade
3. Ocjena Suda
(a) Opći principi
(b) Primjena tih principa na predmetni slučaj
(i) Da li je aplikantica uživala pravo propisano zakonom
(ii) Da li je postojala analogna ili relevantno sliĉna situacija i razlika u postupanju
(iii) Da li su vlasti preduzele dovoljne mjere da zaštite aplikanticu od navodnog diskriminatornog postupanja
II PRIMJENA ĈLANA 46. KONVENCIJE
“1. Visoke ugovorne strane se obavezuju da će se povinovati konaĉnoj presudi Suda u svakom predmetu u kojem su stranke.
2. Konaĉna odluka Suda dostavlja se Komitetu ministara koji vrši nadzor nad njenim izvršenjem.”
III PRIMJENA ĈLANA 41. KONVENCIJE
„Ako Sud utvrdi da je došlo do povrede Konvencije ili njenih Protokola, te ukoliko zakonodavstvo visoke ugovorne strane o kojoj je rijeĉ omogućuje samo djelomiĉno obeštećenje, Sud će, po potrebi, odrediti praviĉnu naknadu oštećenoj strani.“
A. Odšteta
B. Troškovi i izdaci
C. Zatezna kamata
IZ NAVEDENIH RAZLOGA, SUD JEDNOGLASNO
(a) da tužena država ima platiti aplikantici, u roku od tri mjeseca od dana kad presuda postane konaĉna u skladu s ĉlanom 44. stav 2. Konvencije, 5.000 eura (pet hiljada eura), kao i svaki porez koji bi aplikantici mogao biti zaraĉunat na taj iznos, na ime troškova i izdataka, pretvoreno u valutu tužene države prema kursu važećem na dan izmirenja;
(b) da će se od isteka navedenog roka od tri mjeseca do izmirenja obraĉunavati obiĉna kamata na navedeni iznos po stopi jednakoj najnižoj kreditnoj stopi Evropske centralne banke tokom perioda kašnjenja, uvećanoj za tri postotna boda;
Saĉinjeno na engleskom jeziku i objavljeno u pisanom obliku dana 29. oktobra 2019. godine, u skladu s pravilom 77. stav 2. i 3. Pravila Suda.
Andrea Tamietti Jon Fridrik Kjølbro
zamjenik registrara predsjednik
1) Posljednji popis stanovništva u Bosni i Herzegovini održan je 2013. godine.
2) Dana 1. oktobra 2013. godine Ustavni sud Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine objavio je Mišljenje br. U-25/13 („Službeni glasnik Grada Mostara“, broj: 8/13) u kojem je takav postupak gradonaĉelnika smatrao ustavnim, s obzirom na izvanredne okolnosti u Mostaru, ali je naglasio da on ne može preduzimati bilo kakve druge radnje koje mogu biti u nadležnosti Gradskog vijeća.
3) Bosna i Hercegovina se sastoji od dva entiteta, Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine i Republike Srpske, te Brĉko distrikta.
4) „Službene novine Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine“, br: 13/14, 8/15, 102/15, 104/16, 5/18, i 11/19.
5) Bošnjaci su se nazivali muslimanima do rata 1992-95. Pojam Bošnjaci treba razlikovati od pojma Bosanci koji se uobiĉajeno koristi za oznaĉavanje gradjana Bosne i Hercegovine bez obzira na njihovo etniĉko porijeklo.
6) Hrvati su etniĉka grupa ĉiji ĉlanovi mogu biti porijeklom iz Hrvatske ili drugih bivših republika Socijalistiĉke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije („SFRJ“), ukljuĉujući Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Izraz „Croat“ se obiĉno na engleskom koristi (i kao imenica i kao pridjev) za oznaĉavanje pripadnika etniĉke grupe, bez obzira na njihovo državljanstvo; treba ga razlikovati od izraza „Croatian“, koji se obiĉno odnosi na državljane Hrvatske.
7) Srbi su etniĉka grupa ĉiji ĉlanovi mogu biti porijeklom iz Srbije ili drugih bivših republika SFRJ, ukljuĉujući Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Izraz „Serb“ se obiĉno na engleskom koristi (i kao imenica i kao pridjev) za oznaĉavanje pripadnika etniĉke grupe, bez obzira na njihovo državljanstvo; treba ga razlikovati od izraza „Serbian“, koji se obiĉno odnosi na državljane Srbije.
8) Tužilaštvo protiv Jadranka Prlića, Brune Stojića, Slobodana Praljka, Milivoja Petkovića, Valentina Ćorića i Berislava Pušića, IT-04-74-T, presuda pretresnog vijeća, 29. maj 2013., i Tužilaštvo protiv Jadranka Prlića, Brune Stojića, Slobodana Praljka, Milivoja Petkovića, Valentina Ćorića i Berislava Pušića, IT-04-74-A, presuda ţalbenog vijeća, 29. novembar 2017.
© prevod presude osiguralo Ministarstvo za ljudska prava i izbjeglice Bosne i Hercegovine
Pravna redaktura: Ured zastupnika Vijeća ministara Bosne i Hercegovine pred Evropskim sudom za ljudska prava
___________________________________
Prevod presude preuzet sa https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/
FOURTH SECTION
CASE OF BARALIJA v. BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
(Application no. 30100/18)
JUDGMENT
STRASBOURG
29 October 2019
This judgment will become final in the circumstances set out in Article 44 § 2 of the Convention. It may be subject to editorial revision.
In the case of Baralija v. Bosnia and Herzegovina,
The European Court of Human Rights (Fourth Section), sitting as a Chamber composed of:
Jon Fridrik Kjølbro, President,
Faris Vehabović,
Branko Lubarda,
Carlo Ranzoni,
Stéphanie Mourou-Vikström,
Georges Ravarani,
Péter Paczolay, judges,
and Andrea Tamietti, Deputy Section Registrar,
Having deliberated in private on 8 October 2019,
Delivers the following judgment, which was adopted on that date:
PROCEDURE
1. The case originated in an application (no. 30100/18) against Bosnia and Herzegovina lodged with the Court under Article 34 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“the Convention”) by a national of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Ms Irma Baralija (“the applicant”), on 4 June 2018.
2. The applicant was represented by Ms Dž. Hadžiomerović, a lawyer practising in Sarajevo. The Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina (“the Government”) were represented by their Agent, Ms B. Skalonjić.
3. The applicant complained of her inability to vote and stand in local elections.
4. On 15 January 2019 notice of the complaint concerning Article 1 of Protocol No. 12 to the Convention was given to the Government and the remainder of the application was declared inadmissible pursuant to Rule 54 § 3 of the Rules of Court.
THE FACTS
5. The applicant was born in 1984 and lives in Mostar. She is president of the local branch of her political party “Naša stranka”.
6. Mostar is the most important city in the Herzegovina region, serving as its cultural and economic capital. With a population of 105,797[1], it is one of the largest cities in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
7. The last local elections in Mostar were held in 2008 in accordance with the legal provisions set out in paragraphs 17 and 19 below.
8. Following a request from the Croat Caucasus (see, for more details, Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina [GC], nos. 27996/06 and 34836/06, § 7, ECHR 2009) to the House of Peoples of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, on 26 November 2010 the Constitutional Court declared section 19.2(1) to (3) and section 19.4(2) to (8) of the Election Act 2001, and section 17(1) of the Statute of the City of Mostar (see paragraphs 17 and 19 below) unconstitutional. The relevant part of the majority opinion reads as follows:
“65. Establishing a satisfactory arrangement [for the organisation of the City of Mostar] turned out to be a long-term project. The Steering Board of the Peace Implementation Council, at its session held in Brussels on 11 December 2003, assumed responsibility for offering full support to the implementation of a solution to the issue of Mostar based on a single, coherent city administration with effective, guaranteed power-sharing mechanisms which prevent any one category of people having majority control of the City Council. In addition, the Commission for Reforming the City of Mostar (“the Commission”), which was established by the Decision of the High Representative No. 160/03 of 17 September 2003, stated, in its Report of 15 December 2003 that in the course of drafting a new Statute of Mostar it was guided by a set of principles as guidelines for its work, outlined by the High Representative in his amicus curiae opinion in the instant case. The guidelines were, inter alia, that the composition of the City Administration should reflect the last (1991) census and that the unified council and electoral system should provide for: representation of all constituent peoples and Others; and representation from all parts of Mostar. To explain the reasons for the arrangements adopted for Mostar, the amicus curiae opinion of the High Representative quotes the Venice Commission writing in 2001 to support the proposition that power-sharing between the constituent peoples is an essential part of the Dayton settlement making peace possible in Bosnia and Herzegovina, however problematic it may be for the law of discrimination. The High Representative also quotes from the report of the Commission, which referred to the difficulties experienced in reforming the city authorities of Mostar to increase their effectiveness and efficiency and to put in place a genuinely democratic political system in place of one based on the self-interest of politicians and the politics of fear. The Commission insisted in its report that ‘any reform of Mostar must be based not on population numbers, but on commitment to the protection of human rights, and of the rights of the Constituent Peoples and the group of Others, through protection of vital national interests’. The Report presented data concerning the 1991 demographic structure of the pre-war municipality of Mostar - 43,856 Bosniacs (34.6%); 43,037 Croats (34%); 23,864 Serbs (18.8 %); 12,768 Yugoslavs (11.1%) and 3,121 Others (2.5%). The provisions of section 19.4(1) and (9) of the Election Act and section 16 of the Statute reflect the last census of the City of Mostar and ensure that there is representation of all constituent peoples and that none of the peoples has an absolute majority on the City Council.
...
71. ... [T]he Constitutional Court considers that the post-war social and political conditions affecting Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the City of Mostar in particular, remain such that it remains reasonable to approach the political organisation of the City of Mostar on the basis established in 2003. Applying a test of proportionality, the Constitutional Court concludes that the challenged measures give rise to differences of treatment of constituent peoples between cities, but that difficulties faced in Mostar, as identified by the Commission in its report of December 2003, have been and remain particularly intractable and severe. The measures serve a legitimate aim in that they put in place a power-sharing structure which it is reasonable to hope will gradually improve the quality of the political process in the city. They are rationally related to that legitimate aim. They may result in the City Council being constituted in a way that does not accurately reflect the expression of views of the electorate in elections, and that is a significant disadvantage in terms of the democratic legitimacy of the system. On the other hand, the practical impact of the differences between the ability of Croats in Mostar and of members of other constituent peoples and Others in Sarajevo, Banja Luka and other cities in Bosnia and Herzegovina seems to the Constitutional Court to be likely to be relatively small, at least in comparison with the importance of the legitimate aim for the measures and the risk to all inhabitants of Mostar if the attempt to establish an effective system of representative democracy in Mostar fails. At any rate, on the very sparse information currently available, it is not possible to say that the impact is likely to be disproportionate to the importance of the aim.
...
77. ... [T]he Constitutional Court considers that the need to deal with post-war social and political conditions affecting Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the City of Mostar in particular, continues to represent a legitimate aim which might justify departing from the normal, democratic principle that, so far as possible, each elector’s vote should have similar weight. However, the Constitutional Court is not satisfied that the differences between the weights attaching to votes of electors in different constituencies are proportionate, in the sense of being objectively and rationally related, to the legitimate aim of developing a multi-ethnic, power-sharing structure which it is reasonable to hope will gradually improve the quality of the political process in the city. The scale of the differences, noted in paragraph 76 above, results directly from two decisions: first, to base the constituency boundaries directly on the boundaries of the former city areas; secondly, to allocate the same number of councillors to each of those constituencies. It seems to the Constitutional Court that both those decisions flowed from a desire for administrative simplicity rather than being necessary, reasonable or proportionate steps to develop a power-sharing structure or a multi-ethnic community in Mostar. The Constitutional Court therefore holds that a variation on this scale cannot be justified as being necessary or proportionate to any legitimate aim. In addition, the Constitutional Court establishes that the provisions of section 19.4(2) of the Election Act and section 17(1) of the Statute in the part that reads: Each City area shall elect three (3) City Councillors are inconsistent with Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. It would not be appropriate for the Constitutional Court to quash the relevant legislation with immediate effect, as this would leave the affected constituencies entirely disenfranchised until the legislature passes new legislation to redefine constituency boundaries. The Constitutional Court therefore allows a period of six months following the publication of this decision in the Official Gazette of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the appropriate authorities to harmonise the relevant provisions with the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in accordance with this decision.
...80. The Constitutional Court notes that the provisions of section 19.2 of the Election Act and the provisions of section 15 in conjunction with sections 5 and 7 of the Statute provide that the members of the City Council will be elected in a city-wide electoral constituency and city area electoral constituencies that match the former city municipalities. In view of the aforesaid, the Constitutional Court reiterates that six municipal areas or ‘city municipalities’ were established through the adoption of the Interim Statute: Mostar South, Mostar South-West, Mostar West and Mostar South-East, Mostar North and Stari Grad (Old Town). Furthermore, ... according to the Interim Statute, the Central Zone in the middle of the traditional commercial and tourist centre of the city was to be administered directly by a City-wide administration. Accordingly, it follows that the Central Zone did not constitute a ‘city municipality’ according to the Interim Statute, nor does it constitute a ‘city area’ under the new Statute.
81. ... [T]he residents of the Central Zone of Mostar are entitled to vote only for the 17 councillors who represent the city-wide constituency. Unlike residents of the six City Municipalities, they do not have the opportunity to vote also for three councillors to represent their area of the city on the City Council. In consequence of the manner in which committees of the Council are constituted, the Central Zone is the only area of the city which is not represented on committees.
82. The Constitutional Court considers that this arrangement fails to secure ‘equal suffrage’ for the voters of Mostar, and is incompatible with Article 25.b) of the International Covenant. Most voters in Mostar can vote for two classes of councillors. Voters in the Central Zone can vote for only one class. This evident inequality cannot be justified, bearing in mind that, as the Constitutional Court has noted earlier, the reason for adopting the arrangement was mainly administrative convenience rather than as a rational way of pursuing the legitimate aim of adapting the electoral system to take account of historical difficulties afflicting the Constituent Peoples in Mostar. It follows that the arrangements also violate the guarantee of protection against discrimination under Article II.4 of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina ...”
9. The Constitutional Court ordered the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina to amend the unconstitutional provisions of the Election Act 2001 in accordance with its decision within six months of the publication of its decision in the Official Gazette. It also ordered Mostar City Council to inform it of the steps taken to bring the Statute of the City of Mostar into line with the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina within three months of the publication in the Official Gazette of amendments made by the Parliamentary Assembly to bring the Election Act 2001 into line with the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina in accordance with its decision.
10. On 18 January 2012 the Constitutional Court adopted a ruling on the non-enforcement of its decision of 26 November 2010 by the Parliamentary Assembly. It established that the impugned provisions of the Election Act 2001 would cease to be in effect on the day following the publication of its ruling in the Official Gazette. On 28 February 2012 the relevant provisions of the Election Act 2001 lost their legal validity.
11. Local elections in Mostar could therefore not be held in the election cycles of 2012 and 2016. According to the latest information provided by the Government on 13 September 2019, the relevant provisions of the Election Act 2001 regulating elections to the city council have still not been adopted.
12. The current mayor of Mostar was elected by the city council in 2009. Since 2012 he has had a “technical mandate” in the absence of local elections in Mostar.
13. In the fiscal year of 2013 the mayor substituted the city council in the adoption of the city budget, as the council could not be constituted.[2] In 2014 the Parliament of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina[3] amended the entity’s legislation on budgets, exceptionally allowing the mayor of Mostar, with the consent of the official in charge of the city’s finances (načelnik za finansije) to adopt the budget for that fiscal year in lieu of the city council. Since then, each fiscal year the Parliament has been amending the relevant legislation, renewing that exception for Mostar[4].
14. The relevant domestic law was outlined in Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina (cited above, §§ 11-18). Notably, the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina makes a distinction between “constituent peoples” (persons who declare affiliation with Bosniacs[5], Croats[6], and Serbs[7]) and “others” (members of ethnic minorities and persons who do not declare affiliation with any particular group because of intermarriage, mixed parenthood or for other reasons). The relevant provisions of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina read as follows:
Article II/4
“The enjoyment of the rights and freedoms provided for in this Article or in the international agreements listed in Annex I to this Constitution shall be secured to all persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina without discrimination on any ground such as sex, race, color, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, association with a national minority, property, birth or other status.”
Annex I
(Additional Human Rights Agreements To Be Applied In Bosnia And Herzegovina)
“...
7. 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the 1966 and 1989 Optional Protocols thereto.
...”
15. The relevant provisions of the Constitution of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Ustav Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine, Official Gazette of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina nos. 1/94, 13/97, 16/02, 22/02, 52/02, 63/03, 9/04, 20/04, 33/04, 71/05, 72/05, and 88/08), read as follows:
Article II.A.2.
“(2) All citizens enjoy the right:
...
(b) To political rights: to participate in public affairs; to have equal access to public service; to vote and stand for election.
...”
Article IV.A.
“...
(2) The city shall be responsible for: a) finances and tax policy, in accordance with federal and cantonal legislation; b) joint infrastructure; c) urban planning; d) public transport; e) other responsibilities assigned to the city by the canton or municipalities.
...
(5) The city council shall: a) prepare and, by a two-thirds majority vote, approve the city Statute; b) elect the mayor; c) approve the city budget; d) enact regulations on the exercise of transferred authorities and carry out other responsibilities specified in the Statute.
(6) The mayor shall be responsible for: a) appointing and removing city officials; b) executing and enforcing city policy and city regulations; c) ensuring the cooperation of city officials with the ombudsmen; d) reporting on the implementation of city policy to the city council and the public.”
Article IV.C.
“...
(3) The organisation of the city of Mostar is regulated by law and by the Statute of the city of Mostar ...
(4) The city areas are electoral constituencies. The Statute determines the composition of the city council, while the electoral procedure is regulated by the Election Act of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Statute ...”
16. The relevant provisions of the Election Act 2001 (Izborni zakon, Official Gazette of Bosnia and Herzegovina nos. 23/01, 7/02, 9/02, 20/02, 25/02, 4/04, 20/04, 25/05, 52/05, 65/05, 77/05, 11/06, 24/06, 32/07, 33/08, 37/08, 32/10, 18/13, 7/14, and 31/16), which entered into force on 27 September 2001, read as follows:
Section 1.4
“(1) Every national of Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereinafter: BiH national) who has attained eighteen (18) years of age shall have the right to vote and to be elected ... pursuant to this Act.
(2) To exercise his or her right to vote, a BiH national must be recorded in the Central Voters’ Register, pursuant to this Act.”
Section 1.5
“(1) All BiH nationals who have the right to vote, pursuant to this Act, shall have the right to vote in person in the municipality of their permanent residence.”
Section 19.1
“This Act shall govern the election of councillors to the Council of the City of Mostar (hereinafter: “the City Council”) ...”
17. The relevant provisions of the Election Act 2001 which were declared unconstitutional (see paragraph 10 above) read as follows:
Section 19.2
“(1) The City Council shall be composed of 35 members. Members of the City Council shall be elected in a city-wide electoral constituency and city area electoral constituencies, in the manner set forth in section 19.4 hereof.
...
(3) For the purpose of subsection (1) above, “city area electoral constituencies” shall be the former city municipalities, as defined by sections 7 and 15 of the Statute of the City of Mostar.”
Section 19.4
“...
(2) Three (3) councillors shall be elected from each of the six city area electoral constituencies.
(3) City area electoral constituency 1 shall consist of the former Mostar North city municipality.
(4) City area electoral constituency 2 shall consist of the former Mostar Stari Grad city municipality.
(5) City area electoral constituency 3 shall consist of the former Mostar South-East city municipality.
(6) City area electoral constituency 4 shall consist of the former Mostar South city municipality.
(7) City area electoral constituency 5 shall consist of the former Mostar South-West city municipality.
(8) City area electoral constituency 6 shall consist of the former Mostar West city municipality.”
18. The relevant provisions of the Statute of the City of Mostar (Statut grada Mostara, Official Gazette of the City of Mostar, no. 4/04), which entered into force on 15 March 2004, read as follows:
Section 13
“The organs of the City are the City Council and the Mayor.”
Section 14
“The City Council ... shall consist of 35 councillors, who are elected in free, democratic and direct elections in accordance with the Election Act of Bosnia and Herzegovina.”
Section 15
“(1) Members of the City Council shall be elected in electoral constituencies.
(2) The electoral constituencies in the City shall be the area of the City and six City areas, as defined in sections 5 and 7 of this Statute and in the map appended to the Interim Statute published in the Official Gazette of the City of Mostar of 20 February 1996 ... which forms an integral part of this Statute.”
Section 28
“(1) The City Council is the highest body of the City and shall be responsible for all matters falling within its competencies in accordance with the Constitution and the law.
(2) The City Council shall supervise the administration of the City, including the Mayor’s Office ...”
Section 44
“(1) Only members of the City Council may be elected as Mayor.
(2) The election of the Mayor shall be carried out at the first session of the City Council after the elections.
...”
19. The relevant provision of the Statute of the City of Mostar which was declared unconstitutional (see paragraph 10 above) reads as follows:
Section 17
“(1) Each City area shall elect three (3) City councilors. The remaining seventeen (17) councilors shall be elected in the area of the City as one electoral constituency (hereinafter: the City-wide list).”
20. In its decision no. U-44/01 of 27 February 2004 the Constitutional Court found that part of the legislation regulating the names of the cities in Republika Srpska was not consistent with the Constitution. On 22 September 2004, after the said entity had failed to remove the established inconsistencies within the period provided for, the Constitutional Court decided that the impugned provisions would cease to be in force. In a separate decision adopted on the same day, it ruled that, until the inconsistencies established in its decision of 27 February 2004 had been removed, the names of the cities which ceased to be in force would be temporarily replaced with new names, which it would designate.
21. Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“the ICCPR”) reads as follows:
“Every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity, without any of the distinctions mentioned in article 2 and without unreasonable restrictions:
...
(b) To vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors;
...”
22. In its General Comment No. 25 on the right to participate in public affairs, voting rights and the right of equal access to public service, the United Nations Human Rights Committee held as follows:
“1. Article 25 of the Covenant recognizes and protects the right of every citizen to take part in the conduct of public affairs, the right to vote and to be elected and the right to have access to public service. Whatever form of constitution or government is in force, the Covenant requires States to adopt such legislative and other measures as may be necessary to ensure that citizens have an effective opportunity to enjoy the rights it protects. Article 25 lies at the core of democratic government based on the consent of the people and in conformity with the principles of the Covenant.
...
9. Paragraph (b) of article 25 sets out specific provisions dealing with the right of citizens to take part in the conduct of public affairs as voters or as candidates for election. Genuine periodic elections in accordance with paragraph (b) are essential to ensure the accountability of representatives for the exercise of the legislative or executive powers vested in them. Such elections must be held at intervals which are not unduly long and which ensure that the authority of government continues to be based on the free expression of the will of electors. The rights and obligations provided for in paragraph (b) should be guaranteed by law.
...
11. States must take effective measures to ensure that all persons entitled to vote are able to exercise that right.”
23. The relevant part of the 54th Report of the High Representative to the Security Council of the United Nations, delivered on 6 November 2018, reads as follows:
“The responsible political parties could not reach an agreement to enact amendments to the BiH Election Law that would enable the holding of local elections in the City of Mostar, where there have been no local elections since 2008. Although the Mostar City board of nine parliamentary parties (SDA, HDZ BiH, HDZ 1990, SDP, SBB, DF, BPS, SNSD and SDS) met nine times from February to June [2018] on this issue and found agreement on some areas, they failed to reach a final agreement and held no further talks. I continue to urge the parties to find a compromise to enable the citizens of Mostar to enjoy the same democratic right to elect their local leaders as the citizens in the rest of the country enjoy.”
24. The relevant part of the 55th Report of the High Representative to the Security Council of the United Nations, delivered on 8 May 2019, reads as follows:
“In the reporting period [from 16 October 2018 through 15 April 2019], the responsible political parties held no discussions to reach an agreement to enact amendments to the BiH Election Law that would regulate local elections in the City of Mostar, where there have been none since 2008. I urge the parties to initiate talks to finally resolve this issue and enable the citizens of Mostar to enjoy the same democratic right to elect their local leaders as the citizens in the rest of the country enjoy.”
25. The European Charter of Local Self-Government reads, in so far as relevant:
Preamble
“...
Considering that the local authorities are one of the main foundations of any democratic regime;
...”
Article 3 – Concept of local self-government
“1. Local self-government denotes the right and the ability of local authorities, within the limits of the law, to regulate and manage a substantial share of public affairs under their own responsibility and in the interests of the local population.
2. This right shall be exercised by councils or assemblies composed of members freely elected by secret ballot on the basis of direct, equal, universal suffrage, and which may possess executive organs responsible to them. This provision shall in no way affect recourse to assemblies of citizens, referendums or any other form of direct citizen participation where it is permitted by statute.”
26. The relevant part of Recommendation 399 (2017) of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, adopted on 30 March 2017 following observation of the 2016 local elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina, reads as follows:
“7. ... [The Congress] is concerned about the situation of local democracy in the City of Mostar where again no elections were held on 2 October, and calls upon all political stakeholders to find a suitable and sustainable solution to the current deadlock.”
27. As a follow-up to that Recommendation, the Congress also organised a mission in the framework of its post-electoral dialogue with the authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with a focus on the City of Mostar. On 8 September 2017 it published an Information Note on that mission, the relevant part of which reads as follows:
“27. The current situation in Mostar also needs to be seen in the broader context of an overall political conflict over changes in electoral legislation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The needed amendments to the Statute of Mostar have been politicised as part of a broader political debate which notably includes the implementation of two judgements of the European Court of Human Rights and a recent Decision of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
...
33. The Congress calls upon all stakeholders, notably those participating in the Inter-Agency Working Group on changes to election legislation, to take action in order to ensure that consensual amendments are adopted in a timely manner. The complexity of the overall situation with regard to the Election Law should not be taken as an excuse not to put forward technical improvements to the electoral processes.
34. Along these lines, it urges authorities at all levels to work on a sustainable solution to restore local democracy in the City of Mostar. In particular, amendments to the Election Law and the Statute of the City should be negotiated separately and the obstacles to achieve progress with regard to amendments of the Election Law should not be used as a pretext not to find a solution for the City of Mostar. In this process, the interests of the residents of Mostar should be fully and accurately taken into account.”
28. The relevant part of Resolution 2201 (2018) of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, adopted on 24 January 2018, reads as follows:
“9. The Assembly also urges the authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to adopt the changes required for the implementation of decisions by the Constitutional Court on the electoral system for the city of Mostar ...
10. For the Assembly, it is highly problematic that the authorities cannot muster the political will necessary to end a situation where the citizens of Mostar have been prevented from exercising their right to choose their representatives in the city council for over eight years.
...
16. The Assembly is very concerned about the increasing disrespect for the rule of law in Bosnia and Herzegovina and urges the competent authorities to abide by decisions of the Constitutional Court ... which are final and binding. It regrets in particular ... the protracted delay by the State parliament in implementing the decision of the Constitutional Court on Mostar.”
29. The relevant part of the Opinion of the European Commission on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s application for membership of the European Union, delivered on 29 May 2019, reads as follows:
“As for local elections, due to the lack of legal framework the citizens of Mostar have not been able to elect a municipal council since 2008.
...
The Commission considers that negotiations for accession to the European Union should be opened with Bosnia and Herzegovina once the country has achieved the necessary degree of compliance with the membership criteria and in particular the Copenhagen political criteria requiring the stability of institutions guaranteeing notably democracy and the rule of law. Bosnia and Herzegovina will need to fundamentally improve its legislative and institutional framework to ensure it meets the following key priorities:
Democracy / Functionality
1. Ensure that elections are conducted in line with European standards by implementing OSCE/ODIHR and relevant Venice Commission recommendations, ensuring transparency of political party financing, and holding municipal elections in Mostar.
...”
THE LAW
30. The applicant complained that her inability to vote or stand in local elections in the city of Mostar amounted to discrimination on the grounds of her place of residence. She relied on Article 1 of Protocol No. 12 to the Convention, which reads as follows:
“1. The enjoyment of any right set forth by law shall be secured without discrimination on any ground such as sex, race, colour, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, association with a national minority, property, birth or other status.
2. No one shall be discriminated against by any public authority on any ground such as those mentioned in paragraph 1.”
31. The Government submitted that the present application was an actio popularis, given that the applicant had not been directly disenfranchised as a result of a specific and individual measure of interference. They further argued that the applicant had not used any domestic legal remedies for the alleged violation of her rights, and that the present application was therefore also inadmissible for non-exhaustion of domestic remedies under Article 35 § 1 of the Convention.
32. The applicant disputed those arguments.
(a) Compatibility ratione personae
33. The Court reiterates that in order to be able to lodge a petition by virtue of Article 34 of the Convention, a person, non-governmental organisation or group of individuals must be able to claim to be the victim of a violation of the rights set forth in the Convention. In order to claim to be a victim of a violation, a person must be directly affected by the impugned measure. The Convention does not, therefore, envisage the bringing of an actio popularis for the interpretation of the rights set out therein or permit individuals to complain about a provision of national law simply because they consider, without having been directly affected by it, that it may contravene the Convention. It is, however, open to a person to contend that a law violates his rights, in the absence of an individual measure of implementation, if he is a member of a class of people who risk being directly affected by the legislation (see Burden v. the United Kingdom [GC], no. 13378/05, §§ 33-34, ECHR 2008). The Court considers that the same applies when the absence of legislation is likely to affect certain categories of people.
34. In the present case, there is no dispute between the parties that the applicant, as a member of a political party and the head of its Mostar branch (see paragraph 5 above), is a politically active person. Given her active participation in public life, it would be entirely coherent that she would in fact consider voting and running for election to the city council (see, mutatis mutandis, Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina [GC], nos. 27996/06 and 34836/06, § 29, ECHR 2009). The applicant is therefore a member of a class of people who is directly affected by the situation complained of; she may therefore claim to be a victim of the alleged discrimination.
35. The Court therefore rejects the Government’s objection under this head.
(b) Exhaustion of domestic remedies
36. The Court reiterates that the rule of exhaustion of domestic remedies referred to in Article 35 § 1 of the Convention requires applicants first to use the remedies provided by the national legal system, thus dispensing States from answering before the European Court for their acts before they have had an opportunity to put matters right through their own legal system. The rule is based on the assumption that the domestic system provides an effective remedy in respect of the alleged breach. The burden of proof is on the Government claiming non-exhaustion to satisfy the Court that an effective remedy was available in theory and in practice at the relevant time; that is to say, that the remedy was accessible, capable of providing redress in respect of the applicant’s complaints and offered reasonable prospects of success. However, once this burden of proof has been satisfied it falls to the applicant to establish that the remedy advanced by the Government was in fact exhausted or was for some reason inadequate and ineffective in the particular circumstances of the case or that there existed special circumstances absolving him or her from the requirement (see, among other authorities, Akdivar and Others v. Turkey, 16 September 1996, § 68, Reports of Judgments and Decisions 1996‑IV; Sejdovic v. Italy [GC], no. 56581/00, § 46, ECHR 2006‑II; Demopoulos and Others v. Turkey (dec.) [GC], nos. 46113/99 and 7 others, §§ 69-70, ECHR 2010; Vučković and Others v. Serbia (preliminary objection) [GC], nos. 17153/11 and 29 others, §§ 69-77, 25 March 2014; and Parrillo v. Italy [GC], no. 46470/11, § 87, ECHR 2015).
37. As to legal systems which provide constitutional protection for fundamental rights, such as that of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Court reiterates that it is incumbent on the aggrieved individual to test the extent of that protection (see Mirazović v. Bosnia and Herzegovina (dec.), no. 13628/03, 16 May 2006, with further references).
38. That said, the Court would emphasise that the application of the rule must make due allowance for the fact that it is being applied in the context of machinery for the protection of human rights that the Contracting Parties have agreed to set up. Accordingly, it has recognised that Article 35 must be applied with some degree of flexibility and without excessive formalism. It has further recognised that the rule of exhaustion of domestic remedies is neither absolute nor capable of being applied automatically; in reviewing whether the rule has been observed, it is essential to have regard to the particular circumstances of the individual case. This means, amongst other things, that the Court must take realistic account not only of the existence of formal remedies in the legal system of the Contracting Party concerned, but also of the general legal and political context in which they operate as well as the personal circumstances of the applicant (see Akdivar and Others, cited above, § 69, and Selmouni v. France [GC], no. 25803/94, § 77, ECHR 1999‑V).
39. Turning to the present case, the Court notes that the applicant failed to use a constitutional appeal before lodging her application. However, in view of the fact that the national authorities have not complied with the Constitutional Court’s decision of 26 November 2010 (see paragraphs 9-10 above), it cannot be said that a constitutional appeal would have been effective in her case.
40. The Government’s second objection must therefore also be dismissed.
41. The Court notes that the application is not manifestly ill-founded within the meaning of Article 35 § 3 (a) of the Convention. It further notes that it is not inadmissible on any other grounds. It must therefore be declared admissible.
42. The applicant reiterated her complaint. Furthermore, she submitted that the legitimate aim put forward by the Government as justification for the non-implementation of the judgment of the Constitutional Court, namely the establishment of a viable and sustainable power-sharing mechanism, seriously undermined the credibility of the judiciary and was incompatible with the principle of the rule of law and the general objectives of the Convention. Even if the legitimate aim were accepted by the Court, there could be no objective and reasonable justification for the difference in treatment, as there was no reasonable relationship of proportionality between the means employed and the aim pursued. Relying on Mathieu-Mohin and Clerfayt v. Belgium (2 March 1987, § 52, Series A no. 113), the applicant argued that the Government’s inaction and wilful non-implementation curtailed the rights in question to such an extent as to impair their very essence and deprive them of their effectiveness.
43. The Government accepted that the applicant had a right to vote and stand in local elections, as set forth by national law, and that she also met the general conditions for the exercise of that right. Citing Carson and Others v. the United Kingdom ([GC], no. 42184/05, ECHR 2010), they also accepted that the place of residence constituted one aspect of personal status for the purpose of review under Article 14 of the Convention. They submitted that that conclusion should be applicable to Article 1 of Protocol No. 12 as well. The specific situation of the applicant should be assessed in relation to that of other citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina who actively participated in local elections. In the present case there was an objective and reasonable justification for the difference in treatment based on the applicant’s place of residence.
44. The Government maintained that the legitimacy of the omission to implement the Constitutional Court’s decision lay in the necessity of finding a sustainable, long-term and effective power-sharing mechanism based on the principles of equality and multi-ethnicity, so as to prevent any one constituent people from having majority control and domination in the city council. That aim was necessary in order to ensure peace and stability in Mostar, and it amounted to an objective and reasonable justification for a certain delay in the implementation of the Constitutional Court’s decision. In reviewing the legitimacy of that aim, the Court should take into account the complexity of the process of implementing the Constitutional Court’s decision, which entailed redefining the boundaries of the new constituencies in the urban area, as well as the complex political relations between the two most represented constituent peoples in Mostar, Bosniacs and Croats, which were still burdened with the wartime past. In this connection, the Government referred to the recent judgments of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia[8] in which six former high-ranking officials of “the Croat Republic of Herceg-Bosna”, an unrecognized wartime Croat entity, were found guilty of crimes against humanity, violations of the laws or customs of war, and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions committed against the non-Croat population between 1992 and 1994, particularly in the city of Mostar.
(a) General principles
45. The Court reiterates that whereas Article 14 of the Convention prohibits discrimination in the enjoyment of “the rights and freedoms set forth in [the] Convention”, Article 1 of Protocol No. 12 extends the scope of protection to “any right set forth by law”. It thus introduces a general prohibition on discrimination (see Sejdić and Finci, cited above, § 53).
46. The term “discrimination” used in Article 14 is also used in Article 1 of Protocol No. 12. The Court reiterates that notwithstanding the difference in scope between those provisions, the meaning of this term in Article 1 of Protocol No. 12 was intended to be identical to that in Article 14 (see paragraph 18 of the Explanatory Report to Protocol No. 12). The Court sees no reason to depart from the settled interpretation of “discrimination”, as developed in the jurisprudence concerning Article 14 in applying the same term under Article 1 of Protocol No. 12 (see Sejdić and Finci, cited above, § 55, and Zornić v. Bosnia and Herzegovina, no. 3681/06, § 27, 15 July 2014).
47. In order for an issue to arise under Article 14, there must be a difference in the treatment of persons in analogous, or relevantly similar, situations (see Molla Sali v. Greece [GC], no. 20452/14, § 133, 19 December 2018, with further references, and D.H. and Others v. the Czech Republic [GC], no. 57325/00, § 175, ECHR 2007‑IV). However, only differences in treatment based on a personal characteristic (or “status”) by which persons or groups of persons are distinguishable from each other are capable of triggering the application of this provision. The words “other status” in the text of Article 14 have generally been given a wide meaning (see Khamtokhu and Aksenchik v. Russia [GC], nos. 60367/08 and 961/11, § 61, 24 January 2017, and Carson and Others v. the United Kingdom [GC], no. 42184/05, § 70, ECHR 2010), and their interpretation has not been limited to characteristics which are personal in the sense that they are innate or inherent (see Clift v. the United Kingdom, no. 7205/07, §§ 56-59, 13 July 2010). The Court has previously recognised that the “place of residence constitutes an aspect of personal status for the purposes of Article 14” (see Carson and Others, cited above, §§ 70-71) and can trigger the protection of that Article.
48. The Court reiterates that a differential treatment of persons in analogous or relevantly similar situations will be deemed discriminatory only if it has no objective and reasonable justification – in other words, if it does not pursue a “legitimate aim” or if there is not a “reasonable relationship of proportionality between the means employed and the aim sought to be realised” (see, among many authorities, Molla Sali, cited above, § 135, and Andrejeva v. Latvia [GC], no. 55707/00, § 81, ECHR 2009). The scope of a Contracting Party’s margin of appreciation in this sphere will vary according to the circumstances, the subject matter and the background (ibid., § 82).
49. As to the burden of proof in relation to Article 14 of the Convention, and by extension under Article 1 of Protocol No. 12, the Court has held that once the applicant has demonstrated a difference in treatment, it is for the Government to show that the latter was justified (see Khamtokhu and Aksenchik, cited above, § 65; Vallianatos and Others v. Greece [GC], nos. 29381/09 and 32684/09, § 85, ECHR 2013 (extracts); and D.H. and Others v. the Czech Republic, cited above, § 177).
50. Lastly, the Court notes that the responsibility of the State would also be engaged if the discrimination complained of resulted from a failure on the State’s part to secure to the applicant under domestic law the rights set forth in the Convention (see Danilenkov and Others v. Russia, no. 67336/01, § 120, ECHR 2009 (extracts)). When examining this question under Article 1 of Protocol No. 12 to the Convention, such failure on the State’s part may concern “any right set forth by law” (see paragraph 45 above).
(b) Application of those principles to the present case
(i) Whether the applicant enjoyed a right set forth by law
51. The Court notes that it is not disputed by the Government that the applicant had a right set forth by law, namely the right to vote and stand in local elections (see paragraph 43 above), and indeed that she met the general conditions for the exercise of that right (see paragraphs 15-16 above). It sees no reason to hold otherwise.
(ii) Whether there was an analogous or relevantly similar situation and a difference in treatment
52. It is not disputed, either, that the applicant, as a person residing in Mostar, was in an analogous or relevantly similar situation to a person residing in another part of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as regards the enjoyment of the right to vote and stand in local elections.
53. It should be emphasised in this connection that this case does not involve regional differences of treatment – resulting from the application of different legislation depending on the geographical location of an applicant – which have been held not to be explained in terms of personal circumstances (see, for example, Magee v. the United Kingdom, no. 28135/95, § 50, ECHR 2000‑VI). Rather, it involves the different application of the same legislation depending on a person’s residence (see, mutatis mutandis, Carson and Others, cited above, § 70).
54. As the difference in treatment complained of is based on “other status” within the meaning of the Court’s case-law (see paragraph 47 above), the applicant enjoys the protection offered by Article 1 of Protocol No. 12.
(iii) Whether sufficient measures were taken by the authorities to protect the applicant from the alleged discriminatory treatment
55. The Court takes note of the Government’s argument that the delay in implementation of the Constitutional Court’s decision was justified by the need to establish a long-term and effective power-sharing mechanism for the city council, in order to maintain peace and to facilitate a dialogue between the different ethnic groups in Mostar (see paragraph 44 above). A similar justification has already been examined in the context of the existing constitutional provisions, which were designed to end a brutal conflict marked by genocide and “ethnic cleansing”, and were necessary to ensure peace (see Sejdić and Finci, cited above, § 45; Zornić, cited above, § 43; and Pilav v. Bosnia and Herzegovina, no. 41939/07, §§ 46-48, 9 June 2016). The Court has held that some of the existing power-sharing arrangements – insofar as they grant special rights for constituent peoples to the exclusion of ethnic minorities and persons who do not declare affiliation with any particular group – are not compatible with the Convention. It has also noted, however, that there is “no requirement under the Convention to abandon totally the power-sharing mechanisms peculiar to Bosnia and Herzegovina and that the time may still not be ripe for a political system which would be a simple reflection of majority rule” (see Sejdić and Finci, cited above, § 48). However, whereas in previous cases the Court dealt with the existing legislative arrangements, in this case there is a legal void which has made it impossible for the applicant to exercise her voting rights and her right to stand in local elections for a prolonged period of time.
56. In the context of Article 3 of Protocol No. 1, the Court has held that the primary obligation with regard to the right to free elections is not one of abstention or non-interference, as with the majority of civil and political rights, but one of adoption by the State of positive measures to “hold” democratic elections (see Mathieu-Mohin and Clerfayt, cited above, § 50). The same viewpoint was adopted by the United Nations Human Rights Committee in the context of the rights under Article 25 of the ICCPR, which apply in Bosnia and Herzegovina by virtue of their constitutional status (see paragraphs 14 and 22 above).
57. The Court notes that local elections in Mostar were last held in 2008 (see paragraph 7 above). Since 2012 the city has been governed solely by a mayor who has a “technical mandate” and therefore does not enjoy the required democratic legitimacy. Moreover, he cannot exercise all the functions of local government, which consequently remain unfulfilled (see paragraphs 12-13 above). This situation is not compatible with the concepts of “effective political democracy” and “the rule of law” to which the Preamble to the Convention refers. There is no doubt that democracy is a fundamental feature of the European public order (see United Communist Party of Turkey and Others v. Turkey, 30 January 1998, § 45, Reports 1998‑I), and that the notion of effective political democracy is just as applicable to the local level as it is to the national level, bearing in mind the extent of decision making entrusted to local authorities (see paragraphs 15 and 18 above) and the proximity of the local electorate to the policies which their local politicians adopt (see, mutatis mutandis, Ahmed and Others v. the United Kingdom, 2 September 1998, § 52, Reports 1998‑VI). The Court also notes in this respect that the Preamble to the Council of Europe’s European Charter of Local Self-Government proclaims that “local authorities are one of the main foundations of any democratic regime”, and that local self-government is to be exercised by councils or assemblies composed of freely elected members (see paragraph 25 above).
58. Against this background, the Court is unable to conclude that the difficulties in reaching a political agreement for a sustainable power-sharing mechanism is a sufficient, objective and reasonable justification for the situation complained of, which has already lasted for a long time.
59. In sum, the Court considers that the State has failed to fulfil its positive obligations to adopt measures to hold democratic elections in Mostar. There has therefore been a violation of Article 1 of Protocol No. 12 to the Convention.
60. The Court finds it appropriate to consider the present case under Article 46 of the Convention, which provides, in so far as relevant:
“1. The High Contracting Parties undertake to abide by the final judgment of the Court in any case to which they are parties.
2. The final judgment of the Court shall be transmitted to the Committee of Ministers, which shall supervise its execution.”
61. Article 46 of the Convention, as interpreted in the light of Article 1, imposes on the respondent State a legal obligation to implement, under the supervision of the Committee of Ministers, appropriate general and/or individual measures to secure the right of the applicant which the Court has found to have been violated. Such measures must also be taken in respect of other persons in the applicant’s position, notably by solving the problems that have led to the Court’s findings (see Scozzari and Giunta v. Italy [GC], nos. 39221/98 and 41963/98, § 249, ECHR 2000‑VIII; Karanović v. Bosnia and Herzegovina, no. 39462/03, § 28, 20 November 2007; Čolić and Others v. Bosnia and Herzegovina, nos. 1218/07 and 14 others, § 17, 10 November 2009; Burdov v. Russia (no. 2), no. 33509/04, § 125, ECHR 2009; Greens and M.T. v. the United Kingdom, nos. 60041/08 and 60054/08, § 106, ECHR 2010 (extracts); and Zornić, cited above, § 39).
62. It is in principle not for the Court to determine what remedial measures may be appropriate to satisfy the respondent State’s obligations under Article 46 of the Convention (see Broniowski v. Poland [GC], no. 31443/96, § 193, ECHR 2004‑V). However, the Court notes that the matter complained of in the present case results from a failure on the part of the respondent State to implement the decision of the Constitutional Court and its ancillary orders (see paragraphs 9-10 and 55 above). In this connection, the Court reiterates that the failure to implement a final, binding judicial decision would be likely to lead to situations that were incompatible with the principle of the rule of law which the Contracting States undertook to respect when they ratified the Convention (see Ilgar Mammadov v. Azerbaijan (infringement proceedings) [GC], no. 15172/13, § 215, 29 May 2019). Consequently, having regard to these considerations, as well as to the large number of potential applicants (see paragraph 6 above) and the urgent need to put an end to the impugned situation (see paragraph 57 above), the Court considers that the respondent State must, within six months of the date on which the present judgment becomes final, amend the Election Act 2001 in order to enable the holding of local elections in Mostar. Should the State fail to do so, the Court notes that the Constitutional Court, under domestic law and practice (see paragraph 20 above), has the power to set up interim arrangements as necessary transitional measures.
63. Article 41 of the Convention provides:
“If the Court finds that there has been a violation of the Convention or the Protocols thereto, and if the internal law of the High Contracting Party concerned allows only partial reparation to be made, the Court shall, if necessary, afford just satisfaction to the injured party.”
64. The applicant claimed 19,633 euros (EUR) in respect of pecuniary damage, this being the amount she would have received had she been elected to the city council, had local elections been held in 2012 and 2016. She also claimed EUR 5,000 in respect of non-pecuniary damage.
65. The Government maintained that the claims were unjustified.
66. The Court does not discern any causal link between the violation found and the pecuniary damage alleged; it therefore rejects this claim. With regard to the claim in respect of non-pecuniary damage, the Court considers, in the light of all the circumstances of the present case, that the finding of a violation constitutes in itself sufficient just satisfaction (see, mutatis mutandis, Sejdić and Finci, cited above, § 63, and Pilav, cited above, § 54).
67. The applicant also claimed EUR 5,000 for the costs and expenses incurred before the Court.
68. The Government maintained that the claim was excessive.
69. In accordance with the Court’s case-law, an applicant is entitled to the reimbursement of costs and expenses only in so far as it has been shown that these have been actually and necessarily incurred and are reasonable as to quantum. In the present case, regard being had to the documents in its possession and the above criteria, the Court considers it reasonable to award the applicant the sum claimed, plus any tax that may be chargeable to the applicant on that amount.
70. The Court considers it appropriate that the default interest rate should be based on the marginal lending rate of the European Central Bank, to which should be added three percentage points.
FOR THESE REASONS, THE COURT, UNANIMOUSLY,
(a) that the respondent State is to pay the applicant, within three months from the date on which the judgment becomes final in accordance with Article 44 § 2 of the Convention, EUR 5,000 (five thousand euros), plus any tax that may be chargeable to the applicant, in respect of costs and expenses, to be converted into the currency of the respondent State at the rate applicable at the date of settlement;
(b) that from the expiry of the above-mentioned three months until settlement, simple interest shall be payable on the above amount at a rate equal to the marginal lending rate of the European Central Bank during the default period, plus three percentage points;
Done in English, and notified in writing on 29 October 2019, pursuant to Rule 77 §§ 2 and 3 of the Rules of Court.
Andrea Tamietti Jon Fridrik Kjølbro
Deputy Registrar President
[1]. The most recent census of Bosnia and Herzegovina was held in 2013.
[2]. On 1 October 2013 the Constitutional Court of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina published Opinion no. U-25/13 (Official Gazette of the City of Mostar, no. 8/13), in which it considered such action by the mayor to be constitutional, given the exceptional circumstances of Mostar, but underlined that he could not undertake any other actions that may fall within the competences of the city council.
[3]. Bosnia and Herzegovina consists of two Entities, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the Republika Srpska and Brčko District.
[4]. Official Gazette of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, nos. 13/14, 8/15, 102/15, 104/16, 5/18, and 11/19.
[5]. Bosniacs were known as Muslims until the 1992-95 war. The term “Bosniacs” (Bošnjaci) should not be confused with the term “Bosnians” (Bosanci) which is commonly used to denote citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina irrespective of their ethnic origin.
[6]. The Croats are an ethnic group whose members may be natives of Croatia or of other former component republics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (“the SFRY”) including Bosnia and Herzegovina. The expression “Croat” is normally used (both as a noun and as an adjective) to refer to members of the ethnic group, regardless of their nationality; it is not to be confused with “Croatian”, which normally refers to nationals of Croatia.
[7]. The Serbs are an ethnic group whose members may be natives of Serbia or of other former component republics of the SFRY including Bosnia and Herzegovina. The expression “Serb” is normally used (both as a noun and as an adjective) to refer to members of the ethnic group, regardless of their nationality; it is not to be confused with “Serbian”, which normally refers to nationals of Serbia.
[8]. Prosecutor v. Jadranko Prlić, Bruno Stojić, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petković, Valentin Ćorić and Berislav Pušić, IT-04-74-T, trial judgment, 29 May 2013, and Prosecutor v. Jadranko Prlić, Bruno Stojić, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petković, Valentin Ćorić and Berislav Pušić, IT-04-74-A, appeals chamber judgment, 29 November 2017.