Lautsi i ostali protiv Italije

Država na koju se presuda odnosi
Italija
Institucija
Evropski sud za ljudska prava
Broj predstavke
30814/06
Stepen važnosti
Referentni slučaj
Jezik
Hrvatski
Datum
18.03.2011
Članovi
P1-2
Kršenje
nije relevantno
Nekršenje
P1-2
Ključne reči po HUDOC/UN
(P1-2) Pravo na obrazovanje - opšte
(P1-2) Poštovanje filozofskih uverenja roditelja
(P1-2) Poštovanje verskih uverenja roditelja
Unutrašnje polje slobodne procene
Tematske ključne reči
VS deskriptori
Zbirke
Sudska praksa
Presuda ESLJP
Veliko veće
Sažetak
Na sastanku školskog odbora državne škole u koju idu njena deca, podnositeljka predstavke istakla je da se prisustvom raspeća u učionicama krši načelo sekularizma u skladu sa kojim nastoji da vaspitava svoju decu.

Nakon odluke školskog odbora da se raspeća u učionicama zadrže, pokrenula je postupak pred upravnim sudom. U međuvremenu, ministar prosvete usvojio je direktivu kojom se upravnicima škola daje uputstvo da se postaraju da su u učionicama prikazana raspeća. Zahtev podnositeljke predstavke odbačen je konačnom odlukom koju je donio Consiglio di Stato.

Podnositeljka predstavke i njena dva sina (drugi i treći podnosilac predstavke) podneli su predstavku Evropskom sudu, koji je presudu doneo 3. novembra 2009. godine, iznevši jednoglasno mišljenje da je došlo do povrede člana 2 Protokola br. 1 zajedno sa članom 9 Konvencije. Dana 28. januara 2010. godine Vlada Italije je zatražila da se predmet uputi Velikom veću. Odbor Velikog veća je 1. marta 2010. prihvatio ovaj zahtev.

Pravo – Član 2 Protokola br. 1: Odluka o tome da li raspeća treba da budu prisutna u učionicama u državnim školama bila je deo funkcija koje je tužena država preuzela u odnosu na obrazovanje i podučavanje i, shodno tome, pripadala je u područje delovanja druge rečenice člana 2 Protokola br. 1. Tako je to postalo područje u kojem na scenu stupa obaveza države da poštuje pravo roditelja da obezbede da je obrazovanje i podučavanje njihove dece u skladu sa njihovim sopstvenim verskim i filozofskim uverenjima. Raspeće je iznad svega verski simbol. Iako je razumljivo što prva podnositeljka predstavke u prikazivanju raspeća u učionicama u državnoj školi koju su prethodno pohađala njena deca može videti nedostatak poštovanja države za njeno pravo da deci obezbedi obrazovanje i podučavanje u skladu sa sopstvenim filozofskim uverenjima, njena subjektivna percepcija sama po sebi nije dovoljna da se ustanovi povreda člana 2 Protokola br. 1.

Odluka o tome da li raspeća treba da se nalaze u učionicama u državnim školama je, u načelu, pitanje koje ulazi u polje slobodne procene tužene države. Štaviše, činjenica da u Evropi ne postoji konsenzus po pitanju prisustva verskh simbola u državnim školama ide u prilog ovom pristupu. To polje slobodne procene, međutim, ide zajedno sa evropskim nadzorom. Tačno je da se propisivanjem prisustva raspeća u učionicama u državnim školama – znaka koji nesumnjivo upućuje na hrišćanstvo – većinskoj religiji u državi daje dominantnu vidljivost u školskom okruženju. Međutim, to samo po sebi nije dovoljno da pokaže da je na sceni proces indoktrinacije sa strane tužene države. Osim toga, raspeće na zidu je u suštini pasivan simbol za koji se ne može smatrati da ima uticaja na učenike, u poređenju sa didaktičkim govorima ili učešćem u verskim aktivnostima.

Veliko veće nije se složilo sa pristupom Veća, koje je iznelo mišljenje da će prikazivanje raspeća u učionicama imati veliki uticaj na drugog i trećeg podnosioca predstavke, koji su u to vreme imali 11 odnosno 13 godina.

Efekti veće vidljivosti koje prisustvo raspeća daje hrišćanstvu u školama mora se sagledati u datoj perspektivi. Prvo, prisustvo raspeća nije bilo povezano sa obaveznim učenjem o hrišćanstvu. Drugo, Italija je paralelno otvorila školsko okruženje drugim religijama. Osim toga, podnosioci predstavke nisu tvrdili da je prisustvo raspeća u učionicama podsticalo razvoj nastavnih praksi sa tendencijom preobraćanja u hrišćanstvo; niti su tvrdili da su drugi i treći podnosilac predstavke doživeli tendenciozno upućivanje na to prisustvo od strane nastavnika tokom vršenja njihove funkcije. Na kraju, prva podnositeljka predstavke u potpunosti je zadržala svoje pravo da kao roditelj upućuje i savetuje svoju decu, da u pogledu njih vrši svoje prirodne funkcije kao vaspitač, i da ih usmerava u skladu sa sopstvenim filozofskim uverenjima. Shodno tome, u odlučivanju da zadrže raspeća u učionicama u državnoj školi koju su pohađala deca prve podnositeljke predstavke, vlasti su delovale u granicama polja slobodne procene ostavljenog tuženoj državi u kontekstu njenih obaveza da, u vršenju funkcija koje je preuzela u pogledu obrazovanja i podučavanja, poštuje pravo roditelja da obezbedi da je takvo obrazovanje i podučavanje u skladu sa njihovim sopstvenim verskim i filozofskim uverenjima.

Zaključak: nije utvrđena povreda člana 2 Protokola 1 uz Konvenenciju (petnaest glasova naprema dva).

Preuzmite presudu u pdf formatu

 EVROPSKI SUD ZA LJUDSKA PRAVA

VELIKO VIJEĆE

PREDMET LAUTSI I OSTALI protiv ITALIJE

(zahtjev br. 30814/06)

PRESUDA

STRASBOURG

18. ožujka 2011.

U predmetu Lautsi i ostali protiv Italije, Europski sud za ljudska prava zasjedajući u Velikom vijeću u sastavu:

Jean-Paul Costa, Predsjednik,
Christos Rozakis,
Nicolas Bratza,
Peer Lorenzen,
Josep Casadevall,
Giovanni Bonello,
Nina Vajić,
Rait Maruste,
Anatoly Kovler,
Sverre Erik Jebens,
Päivi Hirvelä,
Giorgio Malinverni,
George Nicolaou,
Ann Power,
Zdravka Kalaydjieva,
Mihai Poalelungi,
Guido Raimondi, suci,
i Erik Fribergh, Tajnik,

nakon vijećanja zatvorenog za javnost dana 30. lipnja 2010. i 16. veljače 2011. donosi slijedeću presudu koja je usvojena potonjeg datuma:

POSTUPAK

  1. Postupak je pokrenut na temelju zahtjeva (br. 30814/06) protiv Talijanske Republike koji je talijanska državljanka gđa Soile Lautsí („prva podnositeljica zahtjeva“) podnijela Sudu na temelju članka 34. Konvencije za zaštitu ljudskih prava i temeljnih sloboda („Konvencija“) dana 27. srpnja 2006. U svom zahtjevu navela je da nastupa u svoje osobno ime, kao i u ime svoje djece, Dataica i Sami Albertina, koji su u to vrijeme bili maloljetni. Potonji, koji su u međuvremenu postali punoljetni, potvrdili su da žele ostati podnositelji zahtjeva („drugi i treći podnositelj zahtjeva”).

  2. Podnositelje zahtjeva zastupao je g. N. Paolettí, odvjetnik iz Rima. Talijansku Vladu („Vlada“) je zastupao njen zastupnik, g. E. Spataforá, i njegovi zamjenici, g. N. Lettieri i gđa P. Accardo.

  3. Zahtjev je dodijeljen u rad Drugom odjelu Suda (pravilo 52., stavak 1. Poslovnika Suda). Dana 1. srpnja 2008. Vijeće tog Odjela sastavljeno od slijedećih sudaca: Françoise Tulkens, Antonella Mularoni, Vladimiro Zagrabelsky, Danutė Jočienė, Dragoljub Popović, András Sajó i Işil Karakaş, odlučilo je obavijestiti Vladu o zahtjevu; primjenjujući članak 29. st. 3. Konvencije, također je odlučilo u isto vrijeme razmatrati dopuštenost i osnovanost zahtjeva.

  4. Dana 3. studenog 2009. Vijeće istog Odjela, sastavljeno od idućih sudaca: Francoise Tulkens, predsjednica, Ireneu Cabral Barretp, Vladimiro Zagrabelsky, Danutė Jočienė, Dragoljub Popović, András Sajó i Işil Karakaş, proglasilo je zahtjev dopuštenim i jednoglasno presudilo da je došlo do povrede članka 2. Protokola br. 1 zajedno sa člankom 9. Konvencije, te da nije potrebno razmatrati pritužbu pod člankom 14. Konvencije.

  5. Dana 28. siječnja 2010. Vlada je zatražila da se predmet uputi Velikom vijeću, u skladu s člankom 43. Konvencije i pravilom 73. Poslovnika Suda. Odbor Velikog vijeća je 1. ožujka 2010. prihvatio taj zahtjev.

  6. Sastav Velikog vijeća određen je sukladno članku 26. st. 4. i 5. Konvencije te pravilu 24. Poslovnika Suda.

  7. I podnositelji zahtjeva i Vlada podnijeli su pisana očitovanja o osnovanosti zahtjeva.

  8. Dozvola za miješanje u pismeni postupak (članak 36. st. 2. Konvencije i pravilo 44. st. 2.) dana je trideset tri člana Europskog Parlamenta nastupajući zajednički, nevladinoj organizaciji Greek Helsinki Monitor, koja se i prethodno umiješala u postupku pred Vijećem, nevladinoj organizaciji Associazione nazionale del libero Pensiero, nevladinoj organizaciji European Centre for Law and Justice, nevladinoj organizaciji Eurojuris, nevladinoj organizacijama International Committee of Jurists, Interights i Human Rights Watch nastupajući zajednički, nevladinim organizacijama Zentralkomitee der deutschen Katholiken, Semaines sociales de France i Associazioni cristiane lavoratori italiani, nastupajući zajednički, te Vladama Armenije, Bugarske, Cipra, Ruske Federacije, Grčke, Litve, Malte, Monaka, Rumunjske i Republike San Marina. Vladama Armenije, Bugarske, Cipra, Ruske Federacije, Grčke, Litve, Malte i Republike San Marina također je dopušteno miješanje u usmeni postupak.

  9. Javna rasprava je održana u Zgradi ljudskih prava u Strasbourgu, dana 30. lipnja 2010. (pravilo 59. st. 3.).

Pred Sudom su nastupili:

(a) za Vladu
g Nicola LETTIERI, zamjenik Agenta,
g Giuseppe ALBENZIO, savjetnik;

(b) za podnositelje zahtjeva
g Nicolò PAOLETTI, odvjetnik,
gđa Natalia PAOLETTI,
gđa Claudia SARTORI, savjetnice;

(c) za Vlade Armenije, Bugarske, Cipra, Ruske Federacije, Grčke, Litve, Malte i Republike San Marina, u svojstvu umješača:
g Joseph WEILER, profesor prava Univerziteta u New Yorku,odvjetnik,
g Stepan KARTASHYAN, zamjenik Stalnog predstavnika Armenije pri Vijeću Europe,
g Andrey TEHOV, Ambasador, Stalno predstavništvo Bugarske pri Vijeću Europe,
g Yannis MICHILIDES, zamjenik Stalnog predstavnika Cipra pri Vijeću Europe,
gđa Vasileia PELEKOU, zamjenica Stalnog predstavnika Grčke pri Vijeću Europe,
g Darius ŠIMAITIS, zamjenik Stalnog predstavnika Litve pri Vijeću Europe,
g Joseph LICARI, Ambasador, Stalni predstavnik Malte pri Vijeću Europe,
g Georgy MATYUSHKIN, zastupnik Vlade Ruske Federacije,
g Guido BELLATTI CECCOLI, zamjenik zastupnika Vlade Republike San Marino, savjetnici.

Sud je saslušao obraćanja g. Nicolo Paolettija, gđe Natalie Paoletti, g.Lettierija, g. Albenzia i g. Weilera.

ČINJENICE

I. OKOLNOSTI PREDMETA

  1. Prva podnositeljica zahtjeva i njezina dva sina, Dataico i Sami Albertin, također podnositelji zahtjeva, rođeni su redom 1957., 1988. i 1990. Imaju prebivalište u Italiji. U školskoj godini 2001/02-oj Dataico i Sami Albertin pohađali su državnu školu u Abano Termama pod imenom Istituto comprensivo statale Vittorino da Feltre. U svakoj je učionici škole na zidu bilo pričvršćeno raspelo.

  2. Dana 22. ožujka 2002., tijekom sastanka školskih upravitelja, suprug prve podnositeljice zahtjeva postavio je pitanje prisutnosti vjerskog obilježja u učionicama, posebice ističući raspela, te je pitao trebaju li se ista ukloniti. Dana 27. ožujka 2002. školski su upravitelji s deset glasova za i dva protiv, uz jednog suzdržanog, odlučili zadržati vjersko obilježje u učionicama.

  3. Dana 23. srpnja 2002. prva podnositeljica zahtjeva uložila je prigovor protiv takve odluke Upravnom sudu Veneto, žaleći se na povredu načela sekularnosti i pozivajući se pritom na članak 3. (načelo jednakosti) i članak 19. (sloboda vjeroispovijedi) talijanskog Ustava kao i na članak 9. Konvencije, te na načelo nepristranosti javne upravne vlasti (članak 97. Ustava).

  4. Dana 3. listopada 2002. ministar obrazovanja, sveučilišta i istraživanja usvojio je Smjernicu br. 2666, upućujući nadležne službe svog Ministarstva da poduzmu potrebne mjere kako bi se pobrinuli da školski upravitelji osiguraju prisutnost raspela u učionicama (vidi st. 24. dolje). Dana 30. listopada 2002. ministar se umiješao u postupak prve podnositeljice zahtjeva. Istaknuo je da je njezina pritužba neosnovana budući da je prisutnost raspela u učionicama javnih škola utemeljena na članku 118. Kraljevskog dekreta br. 965 od 30. travnja 1924. (unutarnje uredbe o srednjim školama) i članku 119. Kraljevskog dekreta br. 1297 od 26. travnja 1928. (odobrenje općih uredbi koje uređuju osnovno obrazovanje; vidi st. 19. dolje).

  5. Odlukom od 14. siječnja 2004., s obzirom na načelo sekularnosti države i članke 2., 3., 7., 8., 19. i 20. Ustava, Upravni sud uputio je Ustavnom sudu pitanje ustavnosti članaka 159. i 190. Zakonskog dekreta br. 297 od 16. kolovoza 1994. (potvrđujući jedinstveni tekst koji spaja zakonske odredbe na snazi koje se odnose na obrazovanje i škole), u njihovim „specifikacijama” koje su posljedica članaka 118. i 119. gore navedenih Kraljevskih dekreta, te članka 676. istog Zakonskog dekreta. Članci 159. i 190. određuju odgovornost općina za kupovinu i nabavu namještaja osnovnih i srednjih škola. Članak 119. dekreta iz 1928. određuje da svaka učionica mora imati raspelo, a članak 118. dekreta iz 1924. da svaka učionica mora imati portret kralja i raspelo. Članak 676. Zakonskog dekreta br. 297 određuje da odredbe koje nisu uključene u jedinstveni tekst ostaju na snazi, „s iznimkom odredbi protivnih ili nespojivih s jedinstvenim tekstom, koje se ukidaju”. Odlukom od 15. prosinca 2004. (br. 389), Ustavni sud proglasio je pitanje ustavnosti očito nedopuštenim, našavši da se u stvarnosti odnosilo na tekstove koji nisu imali zakonsku snagu, već su bile samo uredbe (gore navedeni članci 118. i 119.), te zbog toga nisu mogle biti predmetom ispitivanja ustavnosti.

  6. Dana 17. ožujka 2005. Upravni je sud odbio zahtjev. Utvrdivši da su članak 118. Kraljevskog dekreta od 30. travnja 1924. i članak 119. Kraljevskog dekreta od 24. travnja 1928. još uvijek na snazi i naglasivši da „načelo sekularnosti države nije dio pravnog naslijeđa Europe niti zapadnih demokracija”, našao je da prisutnost raspela u učionicama državnih škola, s obzirom na značenje koje su prenosila, nije kršila to načelo. Ustanovio je posebice da, iako je raspelo nesumnjivo vjerski simbol, također je simbol kršćanstva općenito, a ne samo katolicizma, te je stoga predstavljalo uporišnu točku drugih vjeroispovijesti. Nastavio je da je raspelo istovremeno povijesni i kulturni simbol, koji time posjeduje također i „vrijednost vezanu za identitet” talijanskog naroda, te je „predstavljalo na neki način povijesne i kulturološke razvojne karakteristike [Italije] te Europe općenito, te dobru sintezu tog razvitka”. Upravni sud nadalje je držao da raspela također treba smatrati simbolom sustava vrijednosti na kojem se temelji talijanski Ustav. Dao je iduće razloge:

“...11.1. Na ovom mjestu Sud mora primijetiti, iako je svjestan da kreće neravnim i ponegdje klizavim putem, da su kršćanstvo i njegov stariji brat, židovstvo – barem od vremena Mojsija i svakako u talmudskoj interpretaciji – postavljali toleranciju prema drugima i zaštitu ljudskog dostojanstva u središte svojih vjera. 

Pojedinačno, kršćanstvo – na primjer kroz dobro poznato, ali često pogrešno shvaćeno “Dajte Cezaru cezarovo ...” – kroz jak naglasak na ljubavi za svog bližnjeg, te posebice kroz izričitu prevlast milosrđa nad samom vjerom, u svojoj srži sadrži ideje tolerancije, jednakosti i slobode koje čine temelj moderne sekularne države, te posebice talijanske države.

11.2. Gledajući dalje od privida moguće je razaznati vezu između kršćanske revolucije od prije dvije tisuće godina i potvrde prava na slobodu pojedinca u Europi, kao i ključnih elemenata u Prosvjetljenju (iako je, povijesno gledajući, taj pokret bio snažno protivan religiji), naime slobode svake osobe, deklaracije prava čovjeka te naposljetku moderne sekularne države. Svi spomenuti povijesni fenomeni u znatnoj su mjeri utemeljeni – iako ne i isključivo – na kršćanskom shvaćanju svijeta. Može se smatrati – s oprezom – da se slogan „sloboda, jednakost, bratstvo” lako može potvrditi od strane kršćana, uz jasan naglasak na treću riječ.

Zaključno, ne čini se besmislenim tvrditi da je, kroz razne promjene i preokrete u europskoj povijesti, sekularna narav moderne države postignuta visokom cijenom, te da je djelomično, iako naravno ne isključivo, potaknuta manje ili više svjesnim pozivanjem na temeljne vrijednosti kršćanstva. To objašnjava zašto su u Europi i u Italiji mnogi pravnici kršćanske vjeroispovijesti bili među najjačim pobornicima sekularne države. ...

11.5  Veza između kršćanstva i slobode podrazumijeva logičnu povijesnu povezanost koja nije očita na prvi pogled – kao rijeka u krševitom krajoliku koja je tek nedavno istražena upravo zato što najvećim dijelom teče ispod zemlje – djelomično zbog toga što je uslijed mijenjajućih odnosa između država i europskih crkvi mnogo lakše primijetiti brojne pokušaje miješanja crkve u državna pitanja, i obrnuto, kao što su često službeno proglašene kršćanske ideje bile napuštene u borbi za moć, ili oko kojih su se vlade i vjerske zajednice ponekad i nasilno sukobljavale.

11.6  Štoviše, iz ove perspektive, unatoč inkviziciji, antisemitizmu i križarskim ratovima, u samoj srži kršćanske vjere lako je razaznati načela ljudskog dostojanstva, tolerancije i slobode, uključujući i one vjerske, kao i temelja sekularne države.

11.7  Detaljno proučavajući povijest, s određene udaljenosti a ne izbliza, jasno možemo uvidjeti sklad između (međutim ne i identitet) „same srži” kršćanstva, koje, stavljajući milosrđe iznad svega ostalog uključujući i vjere, naglašava prihvaćanje različitosti, te „same srži” republičkog Ustava koji, u duhu solidarnosti, pridaje važnost slobodi sviju te time pruža pravno jamstvo poštivanja drugih. Sklad ostaje, iako su se oko ovih srži – obiju utemeljenih na ljudskom dostojanstvu – s vremenom nadogradili razni vanjski elementi, neki od kojih su toliko debeli da su ih i zaklonili, naročito u srži kršćanstva. ...

11.9  Stoga se može zaključiti da bi u današnjoj socijalnoj realnosti na raspelo trebalo gledati ne samo kao na simbol povijesnog i kulturološkog razvoja, te time i identiteta našeg naroda, nego kao i na simbol određenog sustava vrijednosti: sloboda, jednakost, ljudsko dostojanstvo i vjerska tolerancija, te time i sekularna država – načela koja podupiru naš Ustav.

Drugim riječima, ustavna načela slobode imaju u svojoj srži mnoge korijene koji neosporivo uključuju i kršćanstvo. Stoga bi bilo paradoksalno isključiti kršćanska obilježja iz javne institucije u ime sekularnosti, jedan od čijih daljnjih izvora jeste upravo kršćanska vjera.

12.1  Ovaj sud je svakako svjestan da su raspelu u prošlosti bila pridavana i druga značenja, kao primjerice, u vrijeme Albertinskog statuta, znak katolicizma shvaćenog kao državne vjere, te je time korišten za pokrštavanje i učvršćivanje moći i autoriteta.

Sud je štoviše svjestan da je i danas moguće dati razna tumačenja znaku križa, ponajprije strogo vjersko značenje koje se odnosi na kršćanstvo općenito i posebice katolicizam. Također je svjestan da neki učenici koji pohađaju javne škole križu mogu slobodno i opravdano pridati i potpuno drugačije značenje, kao što je znak neprihvatljive prednosti jednoj vjeri preko ostalih, povrede prava pojedinca te time i povrede sekularne naravi države, ili u ekstremnim granicama nagovještaj privremene političke kontrole državne religije ili inkvizicije, ili čak i slobodnu propusnicu za katekizam prešutno danu čak i nevjernicima na neprimjerenom mjestu, ili podsvjesnu propagandu u korist kršćanske vjere. Iako su sva ova stajališta moguća, ona su naposljetku nebitna u konkretnom slučaju....

12.6  Mora se naglasiti da ovako shvaćen znak raspela kroz svoje upućivanje na vrijednosti tolerancije, danas sadrži posebno polje uzimajući u obzir činjenicu da talijanske državne škole danas pohađaju brojni učenici izvan Europske Unije, kojima je relativno važno prenijeti načela otvorenosti različitostima i odbijanje bilo kakvog oblika fundamentalizma – vjerskog ili sekularnog – koja prožimaju naš sustav. Naše je doba označeno vrenjem susreta između raznih kultura i naše, te je, u svrhu sprječavanja sukoba u tom susretu, neophodno potvrditi naš identitet čak i simbolički, posebice budući da ga karakteriziraju upravo vrijednosti poštivanja dostojanstva svakog ljudskog bića te univerzalne solidarnosti....

13.2  Ustvari, vjerska obilježja općenito u sebi sadrže logičan mehanizam isključivosti, budući da je izvorište svake vjere upravo vjera u više biće, zbog čega se njezini vjernici po definiciji i po uvjerenju vide kao dio istine. Posljedično, i neizbježno, stav vjernika nasuprot nekoga tko ne vjeruje i tko se time prešutno protivi postojanju tog višeg bića, jeste stav isključivosti....

13.3  Logični mehanizam isključivosti nevjernika koji je svojstven bilo kojem vjerskom uvjerenju, čak i kada oni na koje se odnosi nisu toga svjesni, te je jedina iznimka od toga kršćanstvo – kada je pravilno tumačeno, što naravno nije uvijek bio niti jeste uvijek slučaj, čak niti zahvaljujući onima koji se nazivaju kršćanima. U kršćanstvu čak je i vjera u sveznajućeg boga sekundarna u odnosu na milosrđe, odnosno poštivanje drugih ljudskih bića. To znači da odbijanje nekršćana od strane kršćana predstavlja radikalno negiranje samog kršćanstva, materijalno odricanje, međutim to nije istina u ostalim vjerama u kojima se takav stav u najgorem slučaju svodi na povredu važnog pravila.

13.4  Križ kao simbol kršćanstva zbog toga ne može isključiti nikoga bez poricanja samoga sebe; on čak u određenom smislu predstavlja univerzalni znak prihvaćanja i poštivanja svakog ljudskog bića kao takvog, bez obzira na bilo koje vjerovanje, religijsko ili drugo, koje bi on ili ona mogli imati....

14.1  Nije niti potrebno dodavati da se znak križa u učionicama, shvaćen na pravilan način, ne odnosi na slobodna uvjerenja pojedinca, da nikoga ne isključuje, te naravno da nikoga ne obvezuje niti ne prisiljava na nešto, već jednostavno podrazumijeva, u srcu ciljeva postavljenih za obrazovanje i poduku u javnim školama, odraz – nužno vođen od strane učitelja – talijanske povijesti i zajedničkih vrijednosti našeg društva pravno uokvirenih u Ustavu, među kojima sekularnost države ima prvo mjesto....”

  1. Prva podnositeljica zahtjeva žalila se Vrhovnom upravnom sudu (Consiglio di Stato), koji je potvrdio da se prisutnost raspela u učionicama državnih škola pravno temeljila na članku 118. Kraljevskog dekreta od 30. travnja 1924. i članku 119. Kraljevskog dekreta od 26. travnja 1928., te da je, s obzirom na značenje koje bi mu se trebalo pridodati, u sukladnosti s načelom sekularnosti. U tom smislu, zaključio je da u Italiji raspelo simbolizira vjerski izvor vrijednosti (tolerancije, uzajamnog poštivanja, vrednovanja pojedinca, potvrde njegovih prava, poštivanje sloboda pojedinca, autonomiju savjesti pojedinca naspram vlasti, ljudske solidarnosti i odbijanje bilo kojeg oblika diskriminacije) koje karakterizira talijansku civilizaciju. U tom smislu, kada je prikazano u učionici, raspelo može ispuniti – čak i iz „sekularne” perspektive odvojene od one vjerske na koju se odnosi – visoko obrazovnu simboličku funkciju, bez obzira na vjeroispovijest učenika. Consiglio di Stato je našao da raspelo mora biti tumačeno kao simbol koji odražava izvanredne izvore gore navedenih vrijednosti, koje definiraju sekularizam u današnjem pravnom sustavu države.

U svojoj presudi (br. 556) od 13. travnja 2006. Consiglio di Stato dao je slijedeće razloge:

“...Ustavni sud je u brojnim navratima prihvatio da je sekularnost uzvišena vrijednost našeg ustavnog poretka, koja je u stanju razriješiti određena pitanja ustavnog legitimiteta (među brojnim presudama, vidjeti one koje se odnose na odredbe o obveznoj naravi religijskog podučavanja u školama ili na nadležnost sudova u slučajevima važenja brakova sklopljenih prema kanonskom pravu i upisanih u maticu vjenčanih).

Radi se o načelu koje nije izričito navedeno u našem Ustavu, ali je bogato ideološkim rezonancama i ima kontroverznu prošlost, međutim svejedno ima pravnu važnost koja se može izvesti iz temeljnih odredaba našeg sustava. U stvarnosti Sud dolazi do ovog načela konkretno na temelju članaka 2., 3., 7., 8., 19. i 20. Ustava.

Načelo koristi jezični simbol (“sekularizam”) koji ukazuje u skraćenom obliku na određene bitne vidove gore navedenih odredaba, čiji je sadržaj odredio operativne uvjete pod kojima bi taj simbol trebalo razumjeti i pod kojima bi isti trebao djelovati.

U tom smislu, uvjeti djelovanja su naravno određeni s obzirom na kulturnu tradiciju i običaje svakog naroda, u mjeri u kojoj se ta tradicija i običaji odražavaju u pravnom poretku, te se ovo razlikuje od jedne do druge nacije. ...

U okviru problema postavljenog pred ovaj sud, naime legitimnosti postavljanja raspela u učionice od strane nadležnih vlasti koje djeluju prema odredbama na snazi, ono što se mora učiniti u praksi jest jednostavniji zadatak provjeravanja da li te odredbe vrijeđaju ili ne sadržaj temeljnih načela našeg ustavnog poretka, koji daju oblik i građu principu “sekularizma” koji danas karakterizira talijansku državu i na koji se Ustavni sud pozivao u brojnim prilikama.

Jasno je da je raspelo samo po sebi simbol koji može imati razna značenja i služiti raznim svrhama, prije svega za mjesto na kojem je izloženo.

Na mjestu bogosluženja raspelo je sa sigurnošću i isključivo “vjersko obilježje”, budući da je namijenjeno poticanju poštivanja i privrženosti osnivaču kršćanske vjere.

U nereligioznom kontekstu poput škole, koja je mjesto obrazovanja mladih ljudi, raspelo još uvijek može prenositi gore navedene vrijednosti vjernicima, ali za njih i za nevjernike njegovo izlaganje je opravdano i sadrži nediskriminirajuće značenje s vjerskog gledišta ukoliko je sposobno predstavljati i podsjećati istovremeno i na odmah uočljiv i predvidiv način (poput bilo kojeg simbola) na vrijednosti koje su važne za građansko društvo, a posebice vrijednosti koje podupiru i nadahnjuju naš ustavni poredak, temelj našeg građanskog života. U tom smislu raspelo može imati – čak i iz “sekularne” perspektive odvojene od vjerske za koju je specifično – visoko obrazovnu simboličku funkciju bez obzira na vjersko uvjerenje učenika.

Sada je očito je da u Italiji raspelo može izražavati, naravno simbolički, ali prikladno, religijsko podrijetlo tih vrijednosti – toleranciju, uzajamno poštivanje, vrednovanje pojedinca, potvrđivanje prava pojedinca, uzimanje u obzir slobode pojedinca, autonomiju moralne savjesti pojedinca naspram vlasti, ljudsku solidarnost i odbijanje bilo kakvog oblika diskriminacije – koji karakteriziraju talijansku civilizaciju.

Te vrijednosti, koje su prožimale tradiciju, način života i kulturu talijanskog naroda, čine temelj za i proizlaze iz tih osnovnih normi naše osnivačke povelje – sadržane u „Osnovnim Principima“ i u prvom dijelu – te naročito iz onih na koje se Ustavni sud pozvao i koji definiraju oblik sekularizma prigodan za talijansku državu.

Upućivanje putem raspela na vjerske izvore tih vrijednosti, te time i na njihove pune i potpune podudarnosti s kršćanskim učenjima pojašnjava transcendentnost izvora vrijednosti koje su u pitanju, bez dovođenja u pitanje, odnosno upravo potvrđujući autonomiju vremenske moći naspram duhovnoj (ali ne i njihovu suprotstavljenost, implicitnu u ideološkoj interpretaciji sekularizma koja nema ekvivalent u Ustavu), te bez oduzimanja njihove specifične „sekularne“ naravi, prilagođene kulturološkom kontekstu specifičnom temeljnom uređenju talijanske države i očitovane njome. Te vrijednosti su stoga autonomno (ali ne i kontradiktorno) iskušane u građanskom društvu s obzirom na vjersko društvo, tako da se mogu potvrditi i „sekularno“ od strane svih, bez obzira na njihovu pripadnost vjeri koja ih je nadahnula i obranila.

Kao i bilo kojem simbolu, raspelu se uvijek može nametnuti ili pripisati različita oprečna značenja; može se čak i poricati njegova simbolička vrijednost i shvatiti kao jednostavna tričarija koja u najbolju ruku ima određenu umjetničku vrijednost. Međutim, raspelo izloženo u učionici ne može se smatrati tričarijom, dekoracijom niti pomoćnikom bogoslužja. Naprotiv, mora ga se tumačiti kao simbol koji odražava izvanredne izvore gore navedenih građanskih vrijednosti, vrijednosti koje definiraju sekularizam u današnjem pravnom poretku države. ...”

II. RAZVOJ MJERODAVNOG DOMAĆEG PRAVA I PRAKSE

  1. Obveza postavljanja raspela u učionice osnovnih škola uvedena je člankom 140. Kraljevskog dekreta br. 4336 od 15. rujna 1860. Kraljevstva Piedimontea i Sardinije, proglašenog u skladu sa Zakonom br. 3725 od 13. studenog 1859., koji je određivao da „svaka škola bez iznimke mora biti opremljena... raspelom“ (članak 140.). Godine 1861., kad je rođena talijanska država, Statut Kraljevstava Piedimontea i Sardinije iz 1848. postao je Ustav Kraljevine Italije; predviđao je: „rimsko-katolička apostolska vjera bit će jedina državna vjera [a] ostale vjere bit ce tolerirano u skladu sa zakonom“.

  2. Opsada Rima od strane talijanske vojske 20. rujna 1870., nakon koje je grad pripojen i proglašen prijestolnicom novog Kraljevstva Italije, prouzročila je krizu u odnosima između države i Katoličke crkve. Zakonom br. 214 od 13. svibnja 1871. talijanska je država jednostrano uredila odnose s crkvom, dozvolivši Papi razne privilegije za uredno obavljanje vjerskih aktivnosti. Prema podnositeljima zahtjeva, postavljanje raspela tada je malo pomalo zapušteno.

  3. Tijekom fašističkog perioda država je poduzela niz mjera namijenjenih izvršavanju obveze izlaganja raspela u učionicama. Primjerice, 22. studenog 1922. Ministarstvo obrazovanja poslalo je cirkularno pismo (br. 68) s idućim tekstom: „... u posljednjih nekoliko godina u mnogim osnovnim školama Kraljevstva uklonjeni su lik Krista i portret kralja. To predstavlja očitu i nepodnošljivu povredu odredaba kao i napad na dominantnu religiju u državi i na jedinstvo nacije. Stoga naređujemo svim općinskim upravnim vlastima Kraljevstva da ponovno uvedu u one škole u kojima manjkaju ta dva sveta simbola vjere i savjesti nacije.“ Dana 30. travnja 1924. usvojen je Kraljevski dekret br. 965. Taj je dekret odredio unutarnje uređenje koje se odnosi na srednje škole (ordinamento interno delle giunte e dei regi istituti di istruzione media). Članak 118. je određivao:

“Svaka škola mora imati državnu zastavu i svaka učionica mora imati raspelo i portret kralja”.

Odobravajući opće odredbe pružanja osnovnog obrazovanja (approvazione del regolamento generale sui servizi dell’istruzione elementare), članak 119. Kraljevskog dekreta br. 1297 od 26. travnja 1928. određuje da raspela moraju činiti dio „nužne opreme i zaliha školskih učionica“.

  1. Lateranski ugovori potpisani 11. veljače 1929. označili su „pomirbu“ talijanske države i Katoličke crkve. Katolicizam je potvrđen kao službena vjeroispovijest u Italiji, te članak 1. Ugovora o pomirbi glasi:

“Italija priznaje i potvrđuje načela ustanovljena prvom člankom talijanskog Ustava od 4. ožujka 1848., prema kojem je rimsko-katolička apostolska vjera jedina državna vjera.”

  1. Godine 1948. Italija je usvojila republički Ustav, čiji članak 7. predviđa: „Država i Katolička crkva, svaka u svom svojstvu, bit će nezavisne i suverene... njihovi odnosi bit će uređeni Lateranskim ugovorima [te] njihove izmjene prihvaćene od obje strane neće zahtijevati izmjenu Ustava.“ Članak 8. predviđa: „Sve vjere bit će pred zakonom jednake... vjere druge od katoličke imat će pravo organizacije u skladu sa svojim statutima, ukoliko isti nisu nesuglasni s talijanskim pravnim poretkom [te] će se njihovi odnosi s državom uređivati zakonom na temelju ugovora s njihovim zastupnicima.“

  2. Protokol novom konkordatu od 18. veljače 1984., ratificiran Zakonom br. 121 od 25. ožujka 1985., navodi da odredba Lateranskih ugovora prema kojoj je katolička vjeroispovijest jedina državna religija nije više na snazi.

  3. U presudi od 12. travnja 1989. (br. 203), usvojenoj u predmetu koji se odnosi na neobveznost katoličkog vjeronauka u državnim školama, Ustavni sud je zaključio da je načelo sekularizma sadržano u Ustavu te da je isto impliciralo ne da bi država trebala biti neutralna s obzirom na vjeru već da bi trebala jamčiti zaštitu slobode vjeroispovijesti u kontekstu ispovjednog i kulturnog pluralizma.

Odlučujući u ovom slučaju o sukladnosti prisutnosti raspela u učionicama državnih škola s načelom sekularizma, Ustavni sud je zaključio da nije nadležan, budući da su tekstovi na kojima se ta prisutnost temeljila samo uredbe (odluka od 15. prosinca 2004., br. 389, vidjeti st. 14. gore). Kada je slučaj došao pred Consiglio di Stato, isti je odlučio da, s obzirom na značenje koje bi mu trebalo pripisati, prisutnost raspela u učionicama državnih škola nije bila u nesuglasnosti s načelom sekularizma (presuda od 13. veljače 2006., br. 556; vidi st. 16. gore).

U jednom drugom slučaju, Kasacijski sud je došao do suprotnog zaključka nego Consiglio di Stato u kontekstu kaznenog gonjena za odbijanje služenja kao promatrač u izbornoj jedinici iz razloga što je u istoj bilo izloženo raspelo. U presudi od 1. ožujka 2000. (br. 439), zaključio je da je prisutnost raspela povrijedila načelo sekularizma i nepristranosti države, kao i slobodu savjesti onih koji nisu prihvaćali vjernost tom simbolu. Izričito je odbio argument da je postavljanje raspela bilo opravdano činjenicom što je isti simbol „čitave jedne civilizacije odnosno kolektivne etičke savjesti“ niti – ovdje je Kasacijski sud citirao izraze koje je koristio Consiglio di Stato u mišljenju od 27. travnja 1988. (br. 63) – da je također simbolizirao „univerzalnu vrijednost neovisnu od bilo koje specifične religije“.

  1. Dana 3. listopada 2002. ministar obrazovanja, sveučilišta i istraživanja izdao je slijedeću uputu (br. 2666):

“...Ministar

... Uzimajući u obzir da je prisutnost raspela u učionicama utemeljena na odredbama na snazi, da ista ne vrijeđa niti vjerski pluralizam niti ciljeve multikulturalnog obrazovanja talijanskih škola te da se ne može smatrati ograničenjem slobode savjesti zajamčene Ustavom, budući da se ne odnosi na specifičnu vjeru nego predstavlja izraz kršćanske civilizacije i kulture, te time čini dio univerzalnog naslijeđa čovječanstva;

Ocijenivši, uzimajući u obzir različite vjere, uvjerenja i vjerovanja, poželjnost zahtijevanja od svih škola, uz ograničenje njihove autonomije i odluke njihovih nadležnih kolegijalnih organa, da odvoje dio svojih zemljišta sa svrhom korištenja za razmišljanje i meditaciju onih članova školske zajednice koji to žele, bez obveza i bez fiksnih vremenskih razdoblja;

Izdaje iduću uputu:

Ministrova nadležna služba... poduzet će potrebne korake u svrhu:

1) osiguravanja prisutnosti raspela u učionicama od strane školskih upravitelja;

2) da sve škole, uz ograničenje njihove autonomije i odluke njihovih nadležnih kolegijalnih organa, odvoje dio svojih zemljišta sa svrhom korištenja za razmišljanje i meditaciju onih članova školske zajednice koji to žele, bez obveza i bez fiksnih vremenskih razdoblja...”.

  1. Članci 19., 33. i 34. Ustava glase kako slijedi:

Članak 19

“Svatko ima pravo slobodno ispovijedati svoja vjerska uvjerenje u bilo kojem obliku, samostalno ili s drugima, te promicati i slaviti svoje običaje u javnosti ili privatno, dok god isti ne vrijeđaju javni moral.”

Članak 33

“Republika jamči slobodu umjetnosti i znanosti, koja se može slobodno predavati.

Republika ustanovljava opća pravila za obrazovanje i državne škole svih smjerova i razreda....”

Članak 34

“Škole su dostupne svima.

Osnovno obrazovanje u trajanju od najmanje osam godina je obvezno i besplatno.

...”

III.  PREGLED PRAVA I PRAKSE U DRŽAVAMA ČLANICAMA VIJEĆA EUROPE S OBZIROM NA PRISUTNOST VJERSKIH OBILJEŽJA U DRŽAVNIM ŠKOLAMA

  1. U velikoj većini država članica Vijeća Europe pitanje prisutnosti vjerskih simbola nije uređeno posebnim odredbama.

  2. Prisutnost vjerskih simbola u državnom školama izričito je zabranjeno u svega malom broju država članica: „bivšoj jugoslavenskoj republici Makedoniji“, Francuskoj (osim u Alsace i Moselle) i u Gruziji. Izričito je propisano – uz Italiju – u svega još u nekoliko država članica: u Austriji, u nekim upravnim regijama Njemačke (Länder) i Švicarske (communes), kao i u Poljskoj. Bez obzira, takvi simboli mogu se pronaći i u drugim zemljama članicama gdje pitanje nije posebno regulirano, kao u Španjolskoj, Grčkoj, Irskoj, Malti, San Marinu i Rumunjskoj. 

  3. Pitanje je došlo pred vrhovne sudove nekoliko država članica.

U Švicarskoj je Federalni sud našao da je komunalna uredba koja je izričito naređivala prisutnost raspela u učionicama osnovnih škola bila u suprotnosti s postulatima vjerske neutralnosti zajamčene Federalnim Ustavom, ali bez kritiziranja takve prisutnosti u ostalim dijelovima škole (26. rujna 1990., ATF 116 1a 252).

U Njemačkoj je Federalni Ustavni sud zaključio da je slična odredba u Bavarskoj protivna načelu neutralnosti države i teško pomirljiva sa slobodom vjeroispovijesti djece koja nisu katolici (16. svibnja 1995.; BverfGE 93,1). Bavarski je parlament tada izdao novu uredbu koja je podržala prethodnu mjeru, ali dopustila roditeljima da navedu njihova vjerska ili sekularna uvjerenje u izazivanju prisutnosti raspela u učionicama koje pohađaju njihova djeca i uvodeći mehanizam kojim se, ukoliko je to potrebno, može pronaći kompromis ili individualno rješenje.

U Poljskoj je Ombudsman uputio Ustavnom sudu uredbu od 14. travnja 1992., izdanu od strane ministra obrazovanja, koja je propisivala mogućnost izlaganja raspela u učionicama državnih škola. Ustavni sud je odlučio da je takva mjera u suglasnosti sa slobodom savjesti i vjeroispovijesti kao i načelom odvojenosti crkve od države zajamčene člankom 82. Ustava, budući da takvo izlaganje nije bilo obvezno (20. travnja 1993.; br. U 12/32).

U Rumunjskoj je Vrhovni sud ukinuo odluku Nacionalnog Vijeća za ukidanje diskriminacije od 21. studenog 2006. koja je preporučila Ministarstvu obrazovanja da uredi pitanje prisutnosti vjerskih simbola u državnim obrazovnim ustanovama, te da dozvoli prisutnost takvih simbola samo tijekom satova vjeronauka ili u prostorijama koje se koriste za vjersko podučavanje. Vrhovni sud je zaključio posebice da bi odluka o izlaganju takvog znakovlja u obrazovnim ustanovama trebala biti u rukama zajednice sačinjene od učitelja, učenika i njihovih roditelja (11. lipnja 2008.; br. 2393).

U Španjolskoj je Visoki sud pravde Castile i Leona, odlučujući u slučaju udruge koja je zagovarala sekularno obrazovanje i koja je neuspješno zahtijevala uklanjanje vjerskih simbola iz škola, odlučio da bi škole na koje se zahtjev odnosio trebale ukloniti takve simbole ukoliko zaprime izričiti zahtjev u tom smislu od strane roditelja učenika (14. prosinca 2009., br. 3250).

PRAVO

I. NAVODNA POVREDA ČLANKA 2. PROTOKOLA BR. 1 I ČLANKA 9. KONVENCIJE

  1. Podnositelji zahtjeva su se žalili na činjenicu da su raspela bila pričvršćena za zidove u učionicama državnih škola koje su pohađali drugi i treći podnositelj zahtjeva. Naveli su da je to povrijedilo njihovo pravo na obrazovanje zajamčeno člankom 2. Protokola br. 1 koji glasi kako slijedi:

“Nikome neće biti uskraćeno pravo na obrazovanje. U obavljanju svojih funkcija povezanih s odgojem i poučavanjem država će poštovati pravo roditelja da osiguraju odgoj i poučavanje u skladu sa svojim vjerskim i filozofskim uvjerenjima.”

Također su naveli da su iste činjenice povrijedile i njihovo pravo na slobodu misli, savjesti i vjeroispovijedi zajamčeno člankom 9. Konvencije koji glasi kako slijedi:

“1.  Svatko ima pravo na slobodu mišljenja, savjesti i vjeroispovijedi; to pravo uključuje slobodu da se promijeni vjeroispovijed ili uvjerenje i slobodu da se pojedinačno ili u zajednici s drugima, javno ili privatno, iskazuje svoju vjeroispovijed ili uvjerenje bogoslužjem, poučavanjem, praktičnim vršenjem i obredima.

2. Sloboda iskazivanja vjeroispovijedi ili uvjerenja podvrgnut će se samo takvim ograničenjima koja su propisana zakonom i koja su u demokratskom društvu nužna radi interesa javnog reda i mira, zaštite javnog reda, zdravlja ili morala ili radi zaštite prava i sloboda drugih.”

A.  Presuda Vijeća

  1. U presudi od 3. studenog 2009. Vijeće je zaključilo da je došlo do povrede članka 2. Protokola br. 1 zajedno sa člankom 9. Konvencije.

  2. Vijeće je prvenstveno iz načela koje se odnosi na interpretaciju članka 2. Protokola br. 1 u sudskoj praksi izvelo obvezu države da spriječi nametanje vjere, čak i neizravno, na mjestima gdje su osobe bile ovisne ili gdje su bile posebno ranjive, naglašavajući da je školovanje djece osobito osjetljivo u tom smislu.

Sud je nadalje zaključio da je u mnoštvu mogućih značenja raspelo ipak prvenstveno imalo ono religiozno. Iz tog razloga je smatrao da obvezna i vrlo uočljiva prisutnost raspela u učionicama nije samo bilo u stanju sukobiti se sa sekularnim uvjerenjima prve podnositeljice zahtjeva, čija su djeca u to vrijeme pohađala državnu školu, nego je također moglo biti emotivno neugodno za učenike nekršćanske vjeroispovijesti ili one koji nisu pripadali određenoj religiji. U svezi te zadnje točke, Vijeće je naglasilo da „negativna“ sloboda vjeroispovijedi nije bila ograničena na odsustvo vjerskih obreda ili vjerskog obrazovanja, nego da se proširivala i na praksu i simbole koji su izražavali, posebice ili generalno, vjeru, religiju ili ateizam. Dodalo je da je ovo „negativno pravo“ zaslužilo posebnu zaštitu ukoliko je država ta koja je izražavala vjeru, a oni koji se nisu slagali su bili time stavljeni u situaciju od koje se nisu mogli ograditi osim nerazmjernim naporima ili žrtvom.

Sukladno mišljenju Vijeća, država je bila dužna osigurati vjersku neutralnost javnog obrazovanja kad god je pohađanje škole bilo obvezno bez obzira na vjeroispovijed, te kad je ono bilo usmjereno poticati u učenicima kritičko razmišljanje. Nadalje, nije bilo vidljivo kako bi isticanje u učionicama državnih škola simbola koji bi bilo razumno povezano s većinskom vjeroispovijedi u Italiji moglo služiti obrazovnom pluralizmu, neophodnom za očuvanje „demokratskog društva“ u smislu značenja tog pojma prema Konvenciji.

  1. Vijeće je zaključilo da je „obvezno isticanje simbola određene vjeroispovijedi u ostvarivanju javne vlasti te u odnosu na specifičnu situaciju uređenu pod nadzorom Vlade, pogotovo u učionicama, ograničilo pravo roditelja da obrazuju svoju djecu u skladu sa svojim uvjerenjima kao i pravo djece koja pohađaju školu da vjeruju ili da ne vjeruju.“ Ovakva praksa povrijedila je ta prava iz razloga što su „ograničenja [bila] protivna obvezi države da poštuje neutralnost u ostvarivanju javne vlasti, naročito u području obrazovanja“ (st. 57. presude).

B.  Navodi stranaka

1.  Vlada

  1. Vlada nije istakla nikakav prigovor nedopuštenosti.

  2. Izrazila je žaljenje što Vijeće nije provelo komparativno pravnu studiju odnosa između države i religije te o pitanju isticanja vjerskih obilježja u državnim školama. Prema njezinom mišljenju, nedostatak takve studije lišio je Vijeće osnovnog elementa, budući da bi ista pokazala da u ovom području nije bilo zajedničkog pristupa u Europi te da bi dovela do zaključka kako bi stoga državama trebalo ostaviti široku slobodu procjene; posljedično, Vijeće je u svojoj presudi propustilo uzeti u obzir tu slobodu procjene, te je time zanemarilo temeljni vid problema.

  3. Vlada je također kritizirala presudu Vijeća što je iz načela ispovjedne „neutralnosti“ izvelo načelo koje isključuje bilo kakve odnose države s pojedinom religijom, iako je neutralnost zahtijevala da javna vlast uzme u obzir sve vjeroispovijedi. Presuda se stoga temeljila na zabuni između „neutralnosti“ („uključujućeg koncepta“) i „sekularnosti“ („isključujućeg koncepta“). Štoviše, prema mišljenju Vlade, neutralnost je značila da države ne bi trebale promicati određenu vjeru, kao niti ateizam, budući da je državni „sekularizam“ bio ništa manje problematičan od njezina proselitizma. Presuda Vijeća temeljila se stoga na nesporazumu i imala je za posljedicu davanje prednosti nereligioznom odnosno antireligioznom pristupu kojeg je podnositeljica zahtjeva, kao članica Zajednice ateista i racionalnih agnostika, navodno gorljivo podržavala.

  4. Vlada je nadalje tvrdila da je bilo potrebno uzeti u obzir činjenicu da se svaki simbol može tumačiti na različite načine od jedne do druge osobe. Ovo je posebice bio slučaj kod znaka križa, koji se mogao tumačiti ne samo kao vjerski simbol, već također kao kulturni i simbol vezan uz identitet, simbol načela i vrijednosti koje su sačinjavale temelj demokracije i zapadnih civilizacija; nalazio se, primjerice, na zastavama niza europskih zemalja. Kakva god bila evokativna moć određenog „znaka“, po Vladinom mišljenju, utjecaj „pasivnog simbola“ nije se mogao uspoređivati s onim „aktivnog ponašanja“, a nitko nije tvrdio da je u konkretnom slučaju obrazovni sadržaj u Italiji bio pod utjecajem prisutnosti raspela u školama. Ovakva prisutnost bila je izraz „nacionalne osobitosti“, karakterizirane prisnim odnosima između države, ljudi i katolicizma koji su proizlazili iz povijesnog, kulturnog i teritorijalnog razvoja Italije, te su imali duboke korijene i veliku privrženost vrijednostima katolicizma. Održavanje raspela u školama stoga je bilo pitanje očuvanja stoljetne tradicije. Vlada je navela da pravo roditelja na poštivanje njihove „obiteljske kulture“ ne bi trebalo vrijeđati pravo zajednice da prenosi svoju kulturu kao niti pravo djece da istu otkriju. Štoviše, zadovoljavajući se postojanjem „potencijalnog rizika“ emocionalnih problema u pronalaženju povrede prava na obrazovanje, kao i na slobodu misli, savjesti i vjeroispovijedi, Vijeće je znatno proširilo polje primjene tih odredaba.

  5. Oslanjajući se prvenstveno na presudu Otto-Preminger-Institut protiv Austrije od 20. rujna 1994. (Serija A br. 295-A), Vlada je navela da, iako bi trebalo uzeti u obzir činjenicu da su Talijani većinom pripadnici katoličke vjere, isto ne bi trebalo smatrati otegotnom okolnošću, kao što je to učinilo Vijeće. Sasvim suprotno, Sud bi trebao priznati i zaštititi nacionalne tradicije i prevladavajuće popularne osjećaje, te ostaviti svakoj državi uspostavljanje ravnoteže među suprotstavljenim interesima. Štoviše, Sud je u svojoj praksi ustanovio da nastavni plan kao ni odredbe koje daju prednost većinskoj vjeroispovijedi nisu kao takvi ukazivali na neopravdani utjecaj od strane države niti su imali za cilj indoktrinaciju, te da bi Sud trebao poštivati ustavne tradicije i načela koja se tiču odnosa države i religije – uključujući i u konkretnom slučaju specifičan pristup sekularizmu koji je prevladavao u Italiji – kao i uzeti u obzir kontekst svake države.

  6. Uzimajući u obzir da se druga rečenica članka 2. Protokola br. 1 odnosila samo na školske nastavne planove, Vlada je kritizirala odluku Vijeća zbog nalaženja povrede bez ikakve indikacije kako je puka prisutnost raspela u učionicama gdje su podučavana djeca prve podnositeljice zahtjeva mogla značajno smanjiti njezinu sposobnost da ih odgoji u skladu sa svojim uvjerenjima, budući da je jedini dani razlog bio da bi se učenici osjećali kao da se obrazuju u školskom okolišu označenom određenom vjeroispovijedi. Ovakav razlog je bio pogrešan, kada se promatra sa stajališta prakse Suda, prema kojoj kao prvo Konvencija nije sprječavala države članice da imaju državnu vjeroispovijed, niti da pokazuju sklonost određenoj religiji, niti da pružaju učenicima opširnije religijsko podučavanje dominantne vjeroispovijedi, te kao drugo da bi se trebalo uzeti u obzir da je obrazovni utjecaj roditelja mnogo snažniji od onog škole.

  7. Prema mišljenju Vlade, prisutnost raspela u učionicama davala je opravdan doprinos osposobljavanju djece da razumiju nacionalnu zajednicu u kojoj se od njih očekivalo da se integriraju. „Utjecaj okoline“ bio je tim važniji budući da su djeca u Italiji dobivala obrazovanje koje im je pomagalo da razviju kritičko stajalište po pitanju vjeroispovijedi, u nepristranoj atmosferi od koje je bio isključen svaki oblik proselitizma. Štoviše, Italija se odlučila za dobronamjeran stav prema manjinskim religijama u školskoj okolini: talijanski zakon jamčio je pravo na nošenje islamskog vela i ostale odjeće ili simbola s vjerskim značenjem; početak i kraj Ramazana često su označavani u školama; vjerska poduka bila je dozvoljena za sve priznate vjerske zajednice; potrebe učenika manjinskih vjeroispovijedi su uzimane u obzir, tako da je primjerice židovskim učenicima bilo omogućeno da ne moraju polagati ispite subotom.

  8. Naposljetku, Vlada je naglasila potrebu uzimanja u obzir prava roditelja koji su željeli da se raspela zadrže u učionicama. To je bila želja većine u Italiji kao i želja demokratski izražena u ovom slučaju od strane gotovo svih članova uprave škole. Uklanjanje raspela iz učionica u ovakvim okolnostima uzrokovalo bi „zlouporabu manjinske pozicije“ i bilo bi u nesuglasnosti s dužnosti države da pomogne pojedincima u ispunjavanju njihovih vjerskih potreba.

2.  Podnositelji zahtjeva

  1. Podnositelji zahtjeva naveli su da je izlaganje raspela u učionicama državnih škola koje su pohađali drugi i treći podnositelj predstavljalo neopravdano miješanje u njihovo pravo na slobodu misli i savjesti te da je povrijedilo načelo obrazovnog pluralizma time što je predstavljalo povlašćivanje od strane države određene vjeroispovijedi na mjestu gdje se formirala savjest. Izražavajući takvu prednost, država je također povrijedila svoju obvezu pružanja posebne zaštite maloljetnicima protiv bilo kojeg oblika propagande ili indoktrinacije. Štoviše, prema navodima podnositelja zahtjeva, budući da je obrazovna okolina time bila označena simbolom prevladavajuće vjeroispovijedi, izlaganje raspela na koje su se žalili povrijedilo je prava drugog i trećeg podnositelja zahtjeva na primanje otvorenog i pluralističkog obrazovanja s ciljem razvoja njihovog kapaciteta kritičkog razmišljanja. Na kraju, budući da je prva podnositeljica zahtjeva bila zagovornica sekularizma, ovakvo je postupanje također povrijedilo njezino pravo da se njezina djeca obrazuju u skladu s njezinim filozofskim uvjerenjima.

  2. Podnositelji zahtjeva tvrdili su da je raspelo bez ikakve sumnje predstavljalo vjersko obilježje te da su pokušaji da mu se prida kulturna vrijednost ličili na pokušaj beznadnog krajnjeg opravdanja. Ništa u talijanskom pravnom sustavu također nije opravdavalo tvrdnju da je raspelo bilo simbolom nacionalnog identiteta: prema Ustavu, jedino je zastava simbolizirala taj identitet. Nadalje, kao što je njemački Federalni Ustavni sud naglasio u svojoj presudi od 16. svibnja 1995. (vidi st. 28. gore), pridavanje raspelu svjetovnog značenja udaljilo bi ga od njegovog izvornog značenja i pomoglo lišiti njegove svete naravi. Što se tiče navoda da je isto predstavljalo samo „pasivni simbol“, ono je poricalo činjenicu da je, poput svakog simbola – i više od svih drugih – raspelo davalo materijalni oblik kognitivnoj, intuitivnoj i emocionalnoj stvarnosti koja je prevazilazila ono neposredno primjetljivo. Njemački Federalni Ustavni sud je došao do svog zaključka našavši u gore navedenoj presudi da je prisutnost raspela u učionicama imala karakter podsjećanja time što je predstavljala sadržaj vjere koju simbolizira i služila kao „reklamni materijal“ za istu. Na kraju, podnositelji zahtjeva naglasili su da je u odluci Dahlab protiv Švicarske od 15. veljače 2001. (br. 42393/98, ECHR 2001-V) Sud primijetio posebnu snagu koju su vjerska obilježja imala u školskoj okolini. 

  3. Podnositelji su tvrdili da je svaka demokratska država imala obvezu jamčiti slobodu savjesti, pluralizma, jednakog postupanja, vjerovanja i sekularne naravi svojih institucija. Načelo sekularizma zahtijevalo je iznad svega neutralnost od strane države, koja bi se trebala držati podalje od vjerske sfere i usvojiti isti stav naspram svih vjerskih struja. Drugim riječima, neutralnost je obvezivala državu da uspostavi neutralni prostor unutar kojeg bi svatko živio slobodno u skladu sa svojim osobnim uvjerenjima. Namećući vjersko obilježje, odnosno raspelo, u učionicama, talijanska je država činila upravo suprotno. 

  4. Pristup koji su zastupali podnositelji zahtjeva stoga se jasno razlikovao od državnog ateizma, koji bi negirao slobodu vjeroispovijedi time što bi nametao sekularno stajalište na autoritativan način. Gledano kroz nepristranost i neutralnost države, sekularnost je naprotiv služila osiguranju vjerske i filozofske slobode savjesti sviju.

  5. Podnositelji zahtjeva nadalje su naveli da je neophodno posebno zaštititi manjinska mišljenja i uvjerenja, u svrhu očuvanja onih koji su ih zastupali od „despotizma većine“, te da je to predstavljalo dodatni razlog za uklanjanje raspela iz učionica.

  6. Zaključno, podnositelji zahtjeva naveli su da, iako je Vlada tvrdila da bi uklanjanje raspela iz učionica državnih škola oduzelo dio talijanskog kulturnog identiteta, da bi zadržavanje istih bilo nespojivo s temeljima zapadne političke ideologije, načelima liberalne države i pluralističkom, otvorenom demokracijom, kao i poštivanjem prava i sloboda pojedinca zajamčenih talijanskim Ustavom i Konvencijom.

C. Podnesci umješača

1.  Vlade Armenije, Bugarske, Cipra, Ruske Federacije, Grčke, Litve, Malte i Republike San Marino

  1. U svojim zajedničkim očitovanjima na javnoj raspravi, Vlade Armenije, Bugarske, Cipra, Ruske Federacije, Grčke, Litve, Malte i Republike San Marina navele su da je po njihovom mišljenju odluka Vijeća utemeljena na pogrešnom tumačenju pojma „neutralnosti“, koji je Vijeće pomiješalo sa „sekularizmom“. Istakli su kako u Europi postoje velike razlike u odnosima između crkve i države te da više od polovine stanovništva Europe živi u nesekularnim državama. Dodali su da državni simboli itekako imaju mjesto u državnom obrazovanju, te da mnoštvo njih ima vjersko podrijetlo; križ – koji je istovremeno nacionalni i vjerski simbol – je pritom bio najvidljiviji primjer. Po njihovom mišljenju, u nesekularnim europskim državama prisutnost vjerskog obilježja u javnim prostorima je tolerirano od strane sekularnog stanovništva kao dio nacionalnog identiteta. Države se ne bi trebale lišiti dijela svog kulturnog identiteta iz razloga što taj identitet ima religijske korijene. Mišljenje Vijeća nije predstavljalo izraz pluralizma koji proizlazi iz sustava Konvencije, već izraz sekularne države. Proširiti ovakav stav na čitavu Europu predstavljalo bi „amerikanizaciju“ Europe time što bi za svakog bilo obvezno jedinstveno i kruto pravilo odvajanja crkve i države.

Prema njihovom podnesku, favoriziranje sekularizma bio je politički stav, koji iako pozitivan, nije bio neutralan. Stoga, u području obrazovanja, država koja je podržavala sekularizam naspram religioznosti nije bila neutralna. Slično tome, uklanjanje raspela iz učionica gdje su uvijek bila prisutna izazvalo bi određene obrazovne posljedice. U stvarnosti, bez obzira da li država izabrala dopustiti ili zabraniti prisutnost raspela u učionicama, odlučujući čimbenik bio je stupanj u kojem je nastavni plan sadržavao i podučavao djecu toleranciji i pluralizmu.

Vlade umješači priznale su da bi mogle postojati situacije gdje bi uređenje ovog pitanja od strane države moglo biti neprihvatljivo. Teret dokazivanja bi u takvim slučajevima trebao biti na pojedincu, a Sud bi trebao intervenirati samo u ekstremnim slučajevima.

2.  Vlada Kneževine Monaka

  1. Vlada umješač izjavila je da podržava stajalište talijanske Vlade, prema kojem je raspelo predstavljalo „pasivan simbol“ koji je postojao na grbovima i zastavama mnogih država te koji je u konkretnom slučaju bio odraz nacionalnog identiteta ukorijenjenog u povijesti. Nadalje, budući da je neodvojivo, načelo neutralnosti države zahtijevalo je od vlasti da ne nameće vjerska obilježja tamo gdje ista nikad nisu postojala, kao i da ih ne uklanja od tamo gdje su uvijek bila prisutna.

3.  Vlada Rumunjske

  1. Vlada umješač tvrdila je da je Vijeće nedovoljno uzelo u obzir široku slobodu procjene država ugovornica u osjetljivim pitanjima u kojima nije postojao europski konsenzus. Ukazala je da je praksa Suda priznala posebice da su države uživale široku slobodu procjene u pitanjima nošenja vjerskog obilježja u državnim školama; po njezinom mišljenju, isto bi se trebalo primjenjivati i na prisutnost vjerskog obilježja u takvim školama. Također su ukazali da je presuda Vijeća bila utemeljena na pretpostavci da je izlaganje vjerskih obilježja u državnim školama vrijeđalo članak 9. Konvencije i članak 2. Protokola br. 1, a koja je bila u nesuglasnosti s načelom neutralnosti jer, gdje je to bilo primjenjivo, države su trebale intervenirati sa svrhom uklanjanja tog obilježja. Takvo načelo bilo bi bolje ispoštovano kada bi odluke ove vrste bile prepuštene zajednički učiteljima, učenicima i roditeljima. U svakom slučaju, budući da nije bila povezana s određenom vjerskom obvezom, prisutnost raspela u učionicama nije u dovoljnoj mjeri utjecala na vjerske osjećaje pojedinaca na način da bi povrijedila gore navedene odredbe.

4.  Nevladina organizacija Greek Helsinki Monitor

  1. Prema ovoj organizaciji raspelo se ne bi moglo tumačiti kao bilo što osim vjerskog obilježja, tako da bi se njegovo isticanje u državnim učionicama moglo shvatiti samo kao institucionalna poruka zagovaranja određene vjeroispovijedi. Ukazala je na slučaj Folgerø, u kojem je Sud našao da bi sudjelovanje učenika u vjerskim aktivnostima moglo ustvari utjecati na njih, te je navela da bi se isto moglo zaključiti u slučajevima gdje ih se podučava u učionicama u kojima je izloženo vjersko obilježje. Također je skrenula pažnju Suda na činjenicu da bi se djeca ili roditelji koje je ovakva situacija smetala mogli ustegnuti od prigovora zbog straha od osvete.

5. Nevladina organizacija Associazione nazionale del libero Pensiero

  1. Ova organizacija, koja je prisutnost vjerskog obilježja u učionicama državnih škola smatrala nespojivom sa člankom 9. Konvencije kao i člankom 2. Protokola br. 1, podnijela je da ograničenja prava podnositelja zahtjeva nisu bila „propisana zakonom“ u smislu sudske prakse. Naime, isticanje vjerskog obilježja u učionicama državnih škola nije bilo propisano zakonom, već uredbama usvojenim tijekom ere fašizma. Dodala je da su te uredbe u svakom slučaju implicitno ukinute Ustavom iz 1947. kao i Zakonom iz 1985. kojim su se ratificirali ugovori koji su izmijenili Lateranske pakte iz 1929. Kazneni odjel Kasacijskog suda stoga je odlučio u svojoj presudi od 1. ožujka 2000. (br. 4273) u sličnom predmetu koji se odnosio na raspela izložena u izbornim jedinicama te je potvrdio takav pristup u svojoj presudi od 17. veljače 2009. koji se ticao raspela u sudnicama (u kojem, međutim, nije odlučio o meritumu). Dakle, postojala je različita praksa između Consiglio di Stato – koji je zaključio suprotno, da su relevantne uredbe bile primjenjive – i Kasacijskog suda, što je utjecalo na načelo pravne sigurnosti, kao stup pravne države. Budući da je Ustavni sud odbio nadležnost, nije postojao mehanizam u Italiji koji bi mogao razriješiti ovaj sukob.

6.  Nevladina organizacija European Centre for Law and Justice

  1. Ova organizacija tvrdila je da je Vijeće pogrešno ocijenilo pitanje koje se postavilo u ovom slučaju, odnosno da li je konvencijsko pravo na koje se prva podnositeljica zahtjeva pozivala povrijeđeno pukom prisutnošću raspela u učionicama. Po mišljenju organizacije, to nije bio slučaj. Prvo, „osobna uvjerenja“ djece prve podnositeljice zahtjeva nisu bila povrijeđena budući da nisu bila primorana ponašati se protivno svojoj savjesti niti su bila spriječena ponašati se sukladno istoj. Nadalje, njihova „unutarnja uvjerenja“ i pravo prve podnositeljice zahtjeva na obrazovanje njezine djece u skladu s njezinim filozofskim uvjerenjima nisu povrijeđena budući da njezina djeca nisu prisiljena da vjeruju niti spriječena da ne vjeruju. Nisu bila indoktrinirana; niti su bila predmetom pogrešnog proselitizma. Organizacija je također navela da je Vijeće pogriješilo u svom zaključku da je odluka države da prikaže raspela u učionicama bila protivna Konvenciji (koje uopće nije bilo pitanje postavljeno pred njega). Time je Vijeće stvorilo novu obvezu koja se nije odnosila na prava prve podnositeljice zahtjeva već na narav „obrazovnog okoliša“. Upravo iz razloga što je bilo nemoguće dokazati da je prisutnost raspela u učionicama povrijedila „unutarnja ili osobna uvjerenja“ djece prve podnositeljice zahtjeva, Vijeće je stvorilo novu obvezu da osigura da obrazovna sredina bude potpuno sekularna prekoračivši time pritužbe iz zahtjeva kao i svoju nadležnost.

7.  Nevladina organizacija Eurojuris

  1. Ova organizacija složila se sa zaključkom Vijeća. Naglasivši mjerodavne odredbe talijanskog pozitivnog prava – kao i važnost načela sekularizma kao ustavne vrijednosti – ukazala je na načela ustanovljena praksom Suda prema kojima škole ne bi trebale biti mjesto za proselitizam ili propovijedi. Također je ukazala na predmete u kojima je Sud razmatrao nošenje islamskog vela u obrazovnim ustanovama. Prisutnost raspela u učionicama talijanskih državnih škola nije bila propisana zakonom već uredbama iz fašističke ere koje su bile odraz ispovjednog poimanja države koje je danas bilo nespojivo s načelom sekularizma ustanovljenog pozitivnim ustavnim pravom. Čvrsto je odbila objašnjenje talijanskog Upravnog suda, prema kojem je prisutnost raspela u učionicama državnih škola još uvijek bila u skladu s tim načelom budući da je simbolizirala sekularne vrijednosti. Međutim, raspelo je bilo vjerski simbol s kojim se nekršćani nisu mogli poistovjetiti. Štoviše, obvezujući državne škole na postavljanje istih u svoje učionice, država je pridavala posebnu dimenziju određenoj vjeroispovijedi na uštrb pluralizma.

8.  Nevladine organizacije International Committee of Jurists, Interights i Human Rights Watch

  1. Ove su organizacije tvrdile da je obvezna prisutnost vjerskog obilježja poput raspela u učionicama državnih škola bila nespojiva s načelom neutralnosti kao i pravima zajamčenim učenicima i njihovim roditeljima člankom 9. Konvencije i člankom 2. Protokola br. 1. Prema njihovim navodima, pluralizam je bio ustanovljeno načelo, potvrđeno ne samo u praksi Suda već i u praksi niza najviših sudova i raznim međunarodnim instrumentima. Nadalje, Sud je u svojoj praksi podržao dužnost države na neutralnost i nepristranost naspram vjerskih uvjerenja u pružanju javnih usluga, uključujući obrazovanje. Ovakva nepristranost priznata je ne samo od strane talijanskog, španjolskog i njemačkog Ustavnog suda već također i od strane francuskog Conseil de l’Etat i švicarskog Federalnog suda. Kao što je zaključilo nekoliko najviših sudova, neutralnost države u pitanjima vjerskih uvjerenja posebice je važna u učionicama budući da, u obveznom sustavu školstva, djeca predstavljaju ranjivu skupinu podložnu indoktrinaciji u školama. Sud je također zaključio da, iako Konvencija nije branila državama pružanje informacija ili znanja vjerske ili filozofske naravi putem učenja i obrazovanja, istovremeno su morale osigurati da se ovo čini na objektivan, kritičan i pluralistički način, te da bude slobodno od bilo kakve indoktrinacije. Isto se primjenjivalo na sve funkcije u području obrazovanja i podučavanja, uključujući i organizaciju školske okoline.

9. Nevladine organizacije Zentralkomitee der deutschen katholiken, Semaines sociales de France i Assoziazioni cristiane lavoratori italiani

  1. Ove organizacije navele su da se slažu s Vijećem u tome da, iako je raspelo imalo nekoliko značenja, primarno je predstavljalo centralni simbol kršćanstva. Dodale su, međutim, da se nisu slagale sa zaključkom Vijeća te da nisu razumjele kako bi prisutnost raspela u učionicama mogla biti „emotivno uznemirujuća“ za neke učenike niti kako bi mogla onemogućiti razvoj njihovog kritičkog razmišljanja. Takva prisutnost sama po sebi ne bi mogla biti izjednačena s vjerskom ili filozofskom porukom; radije bi trebala biti tumačena kao pasivni način prenošenja temeljnih moralnih vrijednosti. Pitanje se stoga trebalo razmatrati kao jedno koje potpada u nadležnost države u odlučivanju o nastavnom planu u školama; roditelji su morali prihvatiti da određeni aspekti državnog obrazovanja nisu u potpunosti mogli slijediti njihova uvjerenja. Dodale su da odluka države o prisutnosti raspela u učionicama državnih škola nije značila da je ista imala za cilj indoktrinaciju zabranjenu člankom 2. Protokola br. 1. Naveli su da se u ovom slučaju morala pronaći ravnoteža između temeljnih prava pojedinca i legitimnih interesa društva, te između formiranja standarda koji se odnose na temeljna prava i održavanja različitosti koje postoje u Europi. Sud bi pritom trebao ostaviti široko polje slobodne procjene državama u ovom području budući da se organizacija odnosa između države i vjere razlikovala od jedne do druge države i da – posebice glede mjesta vjere u državnim školama – je bila duboko ukorijenjena u povijest, tradiciju i kulturu svake države.

10. Trideset i tri člana Europskog Parlamenta nastupajući zajednički

  1. Umješači su istakli da Sud nije bio ustavni sud te da je morao poštivati načelo supsidijarnosti i priznati posebice široku slobodu procjene državama ugovornicama, ne samo glede odnosa između države i vjere, već također i u području gdje one obavljaju svoje dužnosti u području obrazovanja i podučavanja. Po njihovom mišljenju, ukoliko bi donijelo odluku koja bi obvezala na uklanjanje vjerskog obilježja iz državnih škola, Veliko vijeće bi poslalo radikalnu ideološku poruku. Jasno je proizlazilo iz prakse Suda da država koja iz povijesnih ili tradicijskih razloga pokaže prednost za određenu religiju time ne prestupa tu slobodu procjene. U skladu s tim, izlaganje raspela u javnim ustanovama nije bilo protivno Konvenciji, te prisutnost vjerskog obilježja u javnim prostorijama ne bi trebalo smatrati oblikom indoktrinacije, već izrazom kulturnog jedinstva i identiteta. Dodali su da su u ovom specifičnom kontekstu vjerska obilježja imala sekularnu dimenziju te da ih stoga ne bi trebalo uklanjati.

D.  Ocjena Suda

  1. U prvom redu, Sud primjećuje da se jedino pitanje pred njim odnosi na usklađenost, u svjetlu konkretnih okolnosti slučaja, prisutnosti raspela u učionicama talijanskih državnih škola s uvjetima iz članka 2. Protokola br. 1 i članka 9. Konvencije. Sud stoga u ovom slučaju ne treba razmatrati pitanje prisutnosti raspela u ostalim mjestima osim državnih škola. Niti mora odlučiti o prihvatljivosti prisutnosti raspela u učionicama državnih škola s načelom sekularnosti kakvo je uspostavljeno u talijanskom pravu.

  2. Kao drugo, Sud naglašava da zagovornici sekularizma mogu tvrditi da njihovi stavovi dostižu „razinu nespornosti, ozbiljnosti, kohezije i važnosti“ koja je dovoljna da bi ih se smatralo „uvjerenjima“ u smislu članka 9. Konvencije i članka 2. Protokola br. 1 (vidi Campbell i Cosans protiv Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, 25. veljače 1982, stavak 36., Serija A br. 48). Preciznije, njihovi stavovi moraju se smatrati „filozofskim uvjerenjima“ u smislu druge rečenice članka 2. Protokola br. 1, budući da su vrijedni „poštovanja u demokratskom društvu“, da nisu nespojivi s ljudskim dostojanstvom te da nisu u nesuglasnosti s temeljim pravom djeteta na obrazovanje (ibid.).

1.  Slučaj prve podnositeljice zahtjeva

a.  Opća načela

  1. Sud ponavlja da u području obrazovanja i podučavanja članak 2. Protokola br. 1 predstavlja u pravilu lex specialis u odnosu na članak 9. Konvencije. To je tako barem tamo gdje se, kao u ovom slučaju, spor odnosi na obveze država ugovornica koje proizlaze iz druge rečenice članka 2. da u ispunjavanju funkcija koje imaju u tom području poštuju pravo roditelja da osiguraju takvo obrazovanje i podučavanje u skladu s njihovim osobnima vjerskih i filozofskim uvjerenjima (vidi Folgerø i ostali protiv Norveške [GC], br. 15472/02, st. 84., ECHR 2007-VIII). Konkretan prigovor bi se dakle trebao razmotriti uglavnom sa stajališta druge rečenice članka 2. Protokola br. 1 (vidi također Appel-Irrgang i ostali protiv Njemačke (odl.), br. 45216/07, ECHR 2009-...).

  2. U svakom slučaju, ta bi se odredba trebala tumačiti ne samo u smislu prve rečenice istog članka, već posebice u svjetlu članka 9. Konvencije (vidi, primjerice, Folgerø, prethodno citirano, st. 84.), koji jamči slobodu misli, savjesti i vjeroispovijedi, uključujući i slobodu nepripadanja određenoj vjeri, koja na države ugovornice postavlja „dužnost neutralnosti i nepristranosti“. S time u svezi, mora se naglasiti da su države odgovorne osigurati, na neutralan i nepristran način, iskazivanje raznih religija, vjera i vjerovanja. Njihova je uloga osigurati javni red, vjersku usklađenost i toleranciju u demokratskom društvu, posebice između oprečnih grupa (vidi primjerice Leyla Şahin protiv Turske [GC], br. 44774/98, st. 107., ECHR 2005-XI). To se odnosi kako na odnose između vjernika i nevjernika, tako i na odnose između pripadnika različitih vjeroispovijedi, religija i uvjerenja. 

  3. Pojam „poštivanja“ u članku 2. Protokola br. 1 znači više od „priznanja“ ili „uzimanja u obzir“; uz primarnu negativnu obvezu, on implicira i određene pozitivne obveze od strane države (vidi Campbell i Kosans, prethodno citirano, st. 37.). Ipak, pojam „poštivanje“, koji je također sadržan u članku 8. Konvencije, znatno se razlikuje od slučaja do slučaja, zbog različitosti prakse i situacije u državama ugovornicama. Kao rezultat, države ugovornice uživaju široku slobodu procjene u određivanju koraka koji bi se trebali poduzeti kako bi se osiguralo poštivanje Konvencije s obzirom na potrebe i resurse zajednice i one pojedinca. U kontekstu članka 2. Protokola br. 1 taj koncept implicira da se ta odredba ne može tumačiti na način da jamči roditeljima pravo da zahtijevaju od države da učini dostupnim određeni oblik podučavanja (vidi Bulski protiv Poljske (odl.), br. 45254/99 i 31888/02). 

  4. Sud bi također podsjetio na svoju praksu koja se odnosi na mjesto vjeroispovijedi u školskom nastavnom planu (vidi Kjeldsen, Busk Madsen i Pedersen protiv Danske, 7. prosinca 1976., st. 50-53, Serija A br. 34; Folgerø, prethodno citirano, st. 84.; i Hasan i Eylem Zengin protiv Turske, br. 1448/04, st. 51. i 52., ECHR 2007-XI).

Prema tim autoritetima, određivanje i planiranje nastavnog plana potpada u nadležnost država ugovornica. U principu nije na Sudu da odlučuje o takvim pitanjima, budući da se rješenja mogu razlikovati ovisno o zemlji i o razdoblju.

Druga rečenica članka 2. Protokola br. 1 ne sprječava državu da putem podučavanja ili obrazovanja širi informacije ili znanje koje je posredno ili neposredno vjerske ili filozofske naravi. Čak niti ne dozvoljava roditeljima da prigovaraju uvođenju takvog podučavanja ili obrazovanja u školski nastavni plan.

S druge strane, budući da je njezin cilj osigurati pluralizam u obrazovanju, u izvršavanju svojih funkcija obrazovanja i podučavanja, država mora osigurati da se podaci ili znanje uključeno u nastavni plan prenose na objektivan, kritičan i pluralistički način, kako bi omogućilo učenicima da razviju kritički um posebice s obzirom na vjeroispovijed u mirnom okružju slobodnom od bilo kojeg oblika proselitizma. Država ne smije težiti indoktrinaciji koja ne bi poštivala vjerska i filozofska uvjerenja roditelja. To je upravo granica koju države ne smiju prijeći (vidi presude ranije citirane u ovom stavku, st. 53, 84 (h) i 52).

b.  Ocjena činjenica predmeta u svjetlu navedenih načela

  1. Sud ne prihvaća stajalište Vlade da se obveza sadržana u drugoj rečenici članka 2. Protokola br. 1 odnosi samo na sadržaj nastavnog plana, te da ista ne obuhvaća i pitanje prisutnosti raspela u učionicama državnih škola.

Točno je da se niz predmeta u kojima je Sud razmatrao ovu odredbu odnosilo na sadržaj i provedbu školskog nastavnog plana. Međutim, kao što je Sud i ranije naglasio, obveza država ugovornica na poštivanje vjerskih i filozofskih uvjerenja roditelja ne primjenjuje se samo u odnosu na sadržaj podučavanja i na način na koji se ono izvršava; ono ih obvezuje da „u izvršavanju“ svih svojih „funkcija“ – u smislu druge rečenice članka 2. Protokola br. 1 – koje imaju s obzirom na obrazovanje i podučavanje (vidi Kjeldsen, Busk Madsen i Pedersen, prethodno citirano, st. 50.; Valsamis protiv Grčke, 18. prosinca 1996., st. 27., Reports of Judgments and Decisions 1996-VI; Hasan i Eylem Zengin, prethodno citirano, st. 49; i Folgerø, prethodno citirano, st. 84.). Ovo bez sumnje uključuje i organizaciju školske okoline gdje domaće pravo pridaje tu funkciju javnim vlastima.

Prisutnost raspela u talijanskim državnim učionicama trebalo bi se razmatrati upravo u ovom kontekstu (vidi članak 118. Kraljevskog dekreta br. 965 od 30. travnja 1924., članak 119. Kraljevskog dekreta br. 1297 od 26. travnja 1928. i članke 159. i 190. Zakonskog dekreta br. 297 od 16. travnja 1994 – st. 14. i 19. gore).

  1. Općenito, Sud smatra da, gdje organizacija školske okoline spada u nadležnost javnih vlasti, ova se zadaća mora smatrati kao funkcija države preuzeta u području obrazovanja i podučavanja, u smislu druge rečenice članka 2. Protokola br. 1.
  2. Slijedi da odluka da li bi raspela trebala biti prisutna u učionicama državnih škola sačinjava dio funkcija države preuzetih s obzirom na obrazovanje i podučavanje, te da stoga spada u djelokrug druge rečenice članka 2. Protokola br. 1. Time to postaje područje u kojem dolazi u obzir obveza države da poštuje pravo roditelja na obrazovanje i podučavanje njihove djece u skladu s njihovim vjerskim i filozofskim uvjerenjima.
  3. Sud nadalje smatra da je raspelo prvenstveno vjerski simbol. Domaći sudovi došli su do istog zaključka, a u svakom slučaju ni Vlada ovo nije poricala. U ovom stadiju rasuđivanja Suda nije bitno da li raspelo ima kakvo drugo značenje od onog vjerskog.

Nema dokaza pred Sudom da je prisutnost vjerskog obilježja na zidovima učionica mogla utjecati na učenike pa se time ne može razumno ni tvrditi da ima ili nema utjecaja na mlade ljude čija se uvjerenja još uvijek oblikuju.

Međutim, razumljivo je da je prva podnositeljica zahtjeva prisutnost raspela u učionicama državne škole koju su pohađala njezina djeca mogla shvatiti kao manjak poštivanja njezina prava od strane države da se njihovo obrazovanje i podučavanje provodi u skladu s njezinim filozofskim uvjerenjima. Kako god bilo, subjektivna percepcija podnositeljice zahtjeva sama po sebi nije dovoljna da bi došlo do povrede članka 2. Protokola br. 1.

  1. Vlada je sa svoje strane objasnila da je prisutnost raspela u učionicama državnih škola bila posljedica povijesnog razvoja Italije, te da time nije imala samo vjerske konotacije, već i one vezane uz identitet, te da je sad odgovarala tradiciji za koju je bilo bitno da se nastavi. Dodala je da osim svog vjerskog značenja raspelo također simbolizira načela i vrijednosti na kojima se temeljila demokracija i zapadna civilizacija, te da je njihova prisutnost u učionicama upravo iz tog razloga bila opravdana.
  2. Sud smatra da je odluka da li održati tradiciju u principu pitanje koje potpada u polje slobodne procjene države. Sud mora također uzeti u obzir činjenicu da u Europi postoje velike različitosti između država od kojih se sastoji, posebice u području kulturnog i povijesnog razvitka. Naglašava, međutim, da pozivanje na tradiciju ne može osloboditi državu ugovornicu od obveze poštivanja prava i obveza sadržanih u Konvenciji i njezinim Protokolima.

Što se tiče Vladinog mišljenja o značenju raspela, Sud primjećuje da su Consiglio di Stato i Kasacijski sud zauzeli oprečne stavove u svezi ovog pitanja, a da Ustavni sud o njemu nije odlučivao (vidi st. 16. i 23 gore). Nije na Sudu da zauzima stav u ovoj debati između domaćih sudova.

  1. Činjenica jeste da države ugovornice imaju široku slobodu procjene u njihovim naporima da pomire izvršavanje funkcije koje imaju u svezi s obrazovanjem i podučavanjem s poštivanjem prava roditelja da osiguraju da se takvo obrazovanje i podučavanje provodi u skladu s njihovim vjerskim i filozofskim uvjerenjima (vidi st. 61-62 gore).

Ovo vrijedi za organizaciju školske okoline i za određivanje i planiranje nastavnog plana (kao što je Sud već naglasio: vidi prethodno citirane presude Kjeldsen, Busk Madsen i Pedersen, st. 50-53.; Folgerø, st. 84.; i Zengin, st. 51-52.; st. 62. gore). Sud stoga ima obvezu u načelu poštivati odluke država ugovornica u tim pitanjima, uključujući i mjesto koje one pridaju vjeri, dokle god te odluke ne dovode do indoktrinacije (ibid.).

  1. Sud zaključuje u ovom slučaju da odluka da li ostaviti raspela u učionicama državnih škola u načelu potpada u polje slobodne procjene države. Štoviše, činjenica da ne postoji konsenzus među europskim državama po pitanju prisutnosti vjerskog obilježja u državnim školama (vidi st. 26-28. gore) govori u korist takvog pristupa.

Ova sloboda procjene, međutim, ide ruku pod ruku s europskim nadzorom (vidi, na primjer, mutatis mutandis, Leyla Şahin, prethodno citirano, st. 110.), te je uloga Suda u ovom slučaju odrediti da li je granica navedena gore u stavku 69. prekoračena.

  1. S tim u svezi, istina je da propisi koji odobravaju prisutnost raspela u učionicama državnih škola – znaka koji se, bez obzira ima li sekularnu simboličku vrijednost, nesumnjivo odnosi na kršćanstvo – daju većinskoj vjeroispovijedi u državi nadmoćnu vidljivost u školskoj okolini.

To samo po sebi, međutim, nije dovoljno da označi proces indoktrinacije od strane države niti da dovede do povrede članka 2. Protokola br. 1.

Sud ovdje upućuje, mutatis mutandis, na prethodno navedene Folgerø i Zengin presude. U predmetu Folgerø, u kojem je imao zadaću razmotriti sadržaj podučavanja „kršćanstva, vjere i filozofije“ (KRL), našao je da je činjenica da je nastavni plan dao veći dio kršćanskoj nego ostalim vjerama i filozofijama nije kao takva povrijedila princip pluralizma i objektivnosti niti je imala za rezultat indoktrinaciju. Objasnio je da se zbog mjesta koje je kršćanstvo imalo u povijesti i tradiciji konkretne države – Norveške – smatralo da ovo pitanje potpada u polje slobodne procjene koje joj je ostavljeno u određivanju i planiranju nastavnog plana (vidi Folgerø, prethodno citirano, st. 89.). Do sličnog je zaključka Sud došao i u kontekstu predmeta „vjerske kulture i etike“ u turskim školama, gdje je nastavni plan dao prednost podučavanju islama budući da je, unatoč sekularnoj naravi države, islam bio većinska vjera u Turskoj (vidi Zengin, prethodno citirano, st. 63.).

  1. Nadalje, raspelo na zidu predstavlja u načelu pasivni simbol što je po mišljenju Suda od važnosti, pogotovo uzimajući u obzir načelo neutralnosti (vidi st. 60. gore). Ne može se smatrati da ima utjecaja na učenike koji bi bio usporediv s didaktičkim govorom ili sudjelovanjem u vjerskim aktivnostima (vidi s tim u svezi Folgerø i Zengin, prethodno citirani, st. 94. i 64.).

  2. Sud primjećuje da je Vijeće u svojoj presudi od 3. studenog 2009. prihvatilo da bi izlaganje raspela u učionicama imalo značajan utjecaj na drugog i trećeg podnositelja zahtjeva, koji su u to vrijeme imali 11 i 13 godina. Vijeće je našlo da su u kontekstu javnog obrazovanja raspela, koja je bilo nemoguće ne primijetiti u učionicama, bila nužno shvaćena kao sastavni dio školske okoline i koja su stoga mogla biti shvaćena kao „snažni vanjski simboli“ u smislu odluke u premetu Dahlab, citirane gore (vidi st. 54. i 55. presude).

Veliko vijeće ne slaže se s takovim pristupom. Smatra da spomenuta odluka ne može biti temelj za odlučivanje u ovom slučaju budući da su činjenice dvaju predmeta potpuno različite.

Ukazuje da se u predmetu Dahlab radilo o mjeri koja je zabranjivala podnositeljici zahtjeva da nosi islamski veo dok je podučavala; navedena mjera je imala za cilj zaštititi vjerska uvjerenja učenika i njihovih roditelja kao i primijeniti načelo denominativne neutralnosti u školama koje je bilo utemeljeno u domaćem zakonu. Primijetivši da su domaće vlasti oprezno odvagale suprotstavljene interese, Sud je zaključio da, pogotovo s obzirom na vrlo mladu dob djece za koje je podnositeljica zahtjeva bila odgovorna, država nije prekoračila svoju slobodu procjene.

  1. Štoviše, učinke veće vidljivosti koje prisutnost raspela daje kršćanstvu u školama treba razmatrati sa stajališta slijedećih točaka. Kao prvo, prisutnost raspela nije povezana s obveznim podučavanjem o kršćanstvu (vidi dostupne informacije komparativnog prava u presudi Zengin, prethodno citirano, st. 33.). Kao drugo, prema indikacijama Vlade, Italija istovremeno otvara školsku okolinu paralelno i za druge vjeroispovijedi. Vlada je navela u tom smislu da učenicima nije bilo zabranjeno nositi islamski veo niti druge simbole ili odjeću koja bi imala vjersko značenje; alternativna organizacija je uvijek bila moguća kako bi se škola uklopila u nevećinske vjerske prakse; u školama su „često obilježavani“ početak i kraj Ramazana; neobavezno vjersko obrazovanje moglo se organizirati u školama za sve „priznate vjeroispovijedi“ (vidi st. 39. gore). Nadalje, ništa nije ukazivalo da bi vlasti bile netolerantne prema učenicima drugih vjeroispovijedi, onih koji nisu bili vjernici ili koji su imali nereligiozna filozofska uvjerenja.

Također, podnositelji zahtjeva nisu tvrdili da je prisutnost raspela ohrabrila razvoj prakse podučavanja koja bi sadržavala proselitističke tendencije, niti su tvrdili da su drugi i treći podnositelj zahtjeva ikad iskusili tendenciozna upućivanja na takvu prisutnost od strane učitelja u obavljanju svojih funkcija.

  1. Na kraju, Sud primjećuje da je prva podnositeljica zahtjeva u potpunosti zadržala svoje pravo kao roditelja da prosvijetli i savjetuje svoju djecu, te da ispuni u tom smislu svoju prirodnu funkciju obrazovatelja i da ih vodi putem koji je u skladu s njezinim filozofskim uvjerenjima (vidi posebice Kjeldsen, Busk Madsen i Pedersen, st. 54. i Valsamis, st. 31.).

  2. Iz svega navedenog slijedi da su, odlučivši zadržati raspela u učionicama državne škole koju su pohađala djeca prve podnositeljice zahtjeva, vlasti djelovale unutar slobode procjene ostavljene tuženoj državi u kontekstu njezinih obveza na poštivanje prava roditelja na obrazovanje i podučavanje u skladu sa svojim vjerskim i filozofskim uvjerenjima.

  3. Sud stoga zaključuje da nije došlo do povrede članka 2. Protokola br. 1 u odnosu na prvu podnositeljicu zahtjeva. Također smatra da se ne postavlja odvojeno pitanje pod člankom 9. Konvencije.

2.  Predmet drugog i trećeg podnositelja zahtjeva

  1. Sud smatra da, ukoliko se čita kako bi trebalo u svjetlu članka 9. Konvencije i druge rečenice članka 2. Protokola br. 1, prva rečenica te odredbe jamči učenicima pravo na obrazovanje u obliku koji poštuje njihovo pravo da vjeruju ili ne vjeruju. Sud stoga razumije zašto bi učenici koji vjeruju u sekularizam mogli prisutnost raspela u svojim učionicama državne škole koju pohađaju shvatiti kao povredu prava koja proistječu iz te odredbe.

Međutim, iz razloga navedenih u razmatranju pritužbe prve podnositeljice zahtjeva, Sud smatra da nije došlo do povrede članka 2. Protokola br. 1 u odnosu na drugog i trećeg podnositelja zahtjeva. Također smatra da se ne postavlja odvojeno pitanje pod člankom 9. Konvencije.

...

IZ TIH RAZLOGA, SUD

  1. Presuđuje, s petnaest glasova za i dva protiv, da nije došlo do povrede članka 2. Protokola br. 1 i da se ne postavlja odvojeno pitanje pod člankom 9. Konvencije;

...

Sastavljeno na engleskom i francuskom jeziku i obznanjeno na javnoj raspravi održanoj u Zgradi ljudskih prava u Strasbourgu 18. ožujka 2011.

Erik Fribergh           Jean-Paul Costa

Tajnik                   Predsjednik

 

___________________________________
Prevod presude preuzet sa https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/

Ovaj prijevod financiran je uz podršku Zaklade za ljudska prava Vijeća Europe (www.coe.int/humanrightstrustfund) 

 

 

GRAND CHAMBER

CASE OF LAUTSI AND OTHERS v. ITALY

(Application no. 30814/06) 

JUDGMENT

STRASBOURG 

18 March 2011

This judgment is final but may be subject to editorial revision.

In the case of Lautsi and Others v. ItalyThe European Court of Human Rights, sitting as a Grand Chamber composed of:

Jean-Paul Costa, President,
Christos Rozakis,
Nicolas Bratza,
Peer Lorenzen,
Josep Casadevall,
Giovanni Bonello,
Nina Vajić,
Rait Maruste,
Anatoly Kovler,
Sverre Erik Jebens,
Päivi Hirvelä,
Giorgio Malinverni,
George Nicolaou,
Ann Power,
Zdravka Kalaydjieva,
Mihai Poalelungi,
Guido Raimondi, judges,
and Erik Fribergh, Registrar,

Having deliberated in private on 30 June 2010 and on 16 February 2011Delivers the following judgment, which was adopted on the lastmentioned date:

PROCEDURE

1.  The case originated in an application (no. 30814/06) against the Italian Republic lodged with the Court under Article 34 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“the Convention”) by an Italian national, Ms Soile Lautsi (the first applicanton 27 July 2006. In her application she stated that she was acting in her own name and on behalf of her children Dataico and Sami Albertin, then minors. The latter, who have subsequently come of age, confirmed that they wished to remain applicants (“the second and third applicants”).

2.  The applicants were represented by Mr N. Paoletti, a lawyer practising in RomeThe Italian Government (the Governmentwere represented by their Agent, Ms E. Spatafora, and their deputy co-Agents, Mr N. Lettieri and Ms P. Accardo.

3.  The application was allocated to the Court's Second Section (Rule 52 § 1 of the Rules of Court). On 1 July 2008 a Chamber of that Section, composed of the following judges: Françoise Tulkens, Antonella Mularoni, Vladimiro Zagrebelsky, Danutė Jočienė, Dragoljub Popović, András Sajó and Işıl Karakaş, decided to give notice of the application to the Government; applying the provisions of Article 29 § 3 of the Convention, it also decided to rule on the admissibility and merits of the application at the same time.

4.  On 3 November 2009 a Chamber of the same Section, composed of the following judges: Françoise Tulkens, President, Ireneu Cabral Barreto, Vladimiro Zagrebelsky, Danutė Jočienė, Dragoljub Popović, András Sajó and Işıl Karakaş, declared the application admissible and held unanimously that there had been a violation of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1, taken together with Article 9 of the Convention, and that it was not necessary to examine the complaint under Article 14 of the Convention.

5.  On 28 January 2010 the Government asked for the case to be referred to the Grand Chamber by virtue of Article 43 of the Convention and Rule 73. On 1 March 2010 a panel of the Grand Chamber granted that request.

6.  The composition of the Grand Chamber was determined according to the provisions of Article 26 §§ 4 and 5 of the Convention and Rule 24.

7.  The applicants and the Government each filed further written observations on the merits.

8.  Leave to intervene in the written procedure (Article 36 § 2 of the Convention and Rule 44 § 2) was given to thirty-three members of the European Parliament acting collectively, the non-governmental organisation Greek Helsinki Monitor, which had previously intervened before the Chamber, the non-governmental organisation Associazione nazionale del libero Pensiero, the non-governmental organisation European Centre for Law and Justice, the non-governmental organisation Eurojuris, the non-governmental organisations International Committee of Jurists, Interights and Human Rights Watch, acting collectively, the non-governmental organisations Zentralkomitee der deutschen KatholikenSemaines sociales de France and Associazioni cristiane lavoratori italiani, acting collectively, and the Governments of Armenia, Bulgaria, Cyprus, the Russian Federation, Greece, Lithuania, Malta, Monaco, Romania and the Republic of San Marino.

The Governments of Armenia, BulgariaCyprus, the Russian FederationGreeceLithuaniaMalta, and the Republic oSan Marino were also given leave to intervene collectively in the oral procedure.

9.  A hearing took place in public in the Human Rights BuildingStrasbourg, on 30 June 2010 (Rule 59 § 3).

There appeared before the Court:

(a)  for the respondent Government
MrNicola Lettieri,co-Agent,
MrGiuseppe Albenzio,Adviser;

(b)  for the applicants
MrNicolò Paoletti,Counsel,
MsNatalia Paoletti,
MsClaudia Sartori,Advisers;

(c)  for the Governments of ArmeniaBulgariaCyprus, the Russian FederationGreeceLithuaniaMalta, and the Republic oSan Marino, third-party interveners:

MrJoseph WeilerProfessor of Law, New York University,              Counsel,
MrStepan KartashyanDeputy Permanent Representative of Armenia to the Council of Europe,
MrAndrey TehovAmbassador, Permanent Representative of Bulgaria to the Council of Europe,
MrYannis MichilidesDeputy Permanent Representative of Cyprus to the Council of Europe,
MsVasileia PelekouDeputy Permanent Representative of Greece to the Council of Europe,
MrDarius Šimaitis, Deputy Permanent Representative of Lithuania to the Council of Europe,
MrJoseph LicariAmbassador, Permanent Representative of Malta to the Council of Europe,
MrGeorgy MatyushkinGovernment Agent of the Russian Federation,
MrGuido Bellatti Ceccolico-Agent of the Government of the Republic of San Marino,Advisers.

The Court heard addresses by Mr Nicolò Paoletti, Ms Natalia Paoletti, Mr Lettieri, Mr Albenzio and Mr Weiler.

THE FACTS

I.  THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE CASE

10.  The first applicant and her two sons, Dataico and Sami Albertin, also applicants, were born in 1957, 1988 and 1990 respectively. They are resident in Italy. In the school year 2001-2002 Dataico and Sami attended the Istituto comprensivo statale Vittorino da Feltre, a State school in Abano Terme. A crucifix was fixed to the wall in each of the school's classrooms.

11.  On 22 April 2002, during a meeting of the school's governors, the first applicant's husband raised the question of the presence of religious symbols in the classrooms, particularly mentioning crucifixes, and asked whether they ought to be removed. On 27 May 2002, by ten votes to two with one abstention, the school's governors decided to keep religious symbols in classrooms.

12.  On 23 July 2002 the first applicant contested that decision in the Veneto Administrative Court, complaining of an infringement of the principle of secularism, relying in that connection on Articles 3 (principle of equality) and 19 (religious freedom) of the Italian Constitution and Article 9 of the Convention, and on the principle of the impartiality of public administrative authorities (Article 97 of the Constitution).

13.  On 3 October 2002 the Minister of Education, Universities and Research adopted Directive no. 2666, instructing the competent services of his Ministry to take the necessary measures to see to it that school governors ensured the presence of crucifixes in classrooms (see paragraph 24 below).

On 30 October 2003 the Minister joined the proceedings brought by the first applicant. He argued that her application was ill-founded since the presence of crucifixes in the classrooms of publicly run schools was based on Article 118 of royal decree no. 965 of 30 April 1924 (internal regulations of middle schools) and Article 119 of royal decree no. 1297 of 26 April 1928 (approval of the general regulations governing primary education; see paragraph 19 below).

14.  By a decision of 14 January 2004 the Administrative Court referred to the Constitutional Court the question of the constitutionality, with regard to the principle of the secular character of the State and Articles 2, 3, 7, 8, 19 and 20 of the Constitution, of Articles 159 and 190 of legislative decree no. 297 of 16 April 1994 (approving the single text bringing together the legislative provisions in force regarding education and schools), in their “specifications” resulting from Articles 118 and 119 of the above-mentioned royal decrees, and of Article 676 of the same legislative decree.

Articles 159 and 190 make municipalities responsible for purchasing and supplying the furniture of primary and middle schools. Article 119 of the 1928 decree specifies that each classroom must have a crucifix and Article 118 of the 1924 decree that each classroom must have a portrait of the king and a crucifix. Article 676 of legislative decree no. 297 stipulates that provisions not included in the single text remain in force, “with the exception of provisions contrary to or incompatible with the single text, which are repealed.

By a decision of 15 December 2004 (no. 389), the Constitutional Court declared the question as to constitutionality manifestly inadmissible, on the ground that it was in reality directed towards texts which, not having the status of law, but only that of regulations (the above-mentioned Articles 118 and 119), could not form the subject of a review of constitutionality.

15.  On 17 March 2005 the Administrative Court dismissed the application. After ruling that Article 118 of the royal decree of 30 April 1924 and Article 119 of the royal decree of 26 April 1928 were still in force and emphasising that “the principle of the secular nature of the State [was] now part of the legal heritage of Europe and the western democracies”, it held that the presence of crucifixes in State-school classrooms, regard being had to the meaning it should be understood to convey, did not offend against that principle. It took the view, in particular, that although the crucifix was undeniably a religious symbol, it was a symbol of Christianity in general rather than of Catholicism alone, so that it served as a point of reference for other creeds. It went on to say that the crucifix was a historical and cultural symbol, possessing on that account an “identity-linked value” for the Italian people, in that it “represent[ed] in a way the historical and cultural development characteristic of [Italy] and in general of the whole of Europe, and [was] a good synthesis of that development”. The Administrative Court further held that the crucifix should also be considered a symbol of a value system underpinning the Italian Constitution. It gave the following reasons:

... 11.1.  At this stage, the Court must observe, although it is aware that it is setting out along a rough and in places slippery path, that Christianity, and its older brother Judaism – at least since Moses and certainly in the Talmudic interpretation – have placed tolerance towards others and protection of human dignity at the centre of their faith.

Singularly, Christianity – for example through the well-known and often misunderstood “Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's, and unto ...” – through its strong emphasis placed on love for one's neighbour, and even more through the explicit predominance given to charity over faith itself, contains in substance those ideas of tolerance, equality and liberty which form the basis of the modern secular State, and of the Italian State in particular.

11.2  Looking beyond appearances makes it possible to discern a thread linking the Christian revolution of two thousand years ago to the affirmation in Europe of the right to liberty of the person and to the key elements in the Enlightenment (even though that movement, historically speaking, strongly opposed religion), namely the liberty and freedom of every person, the declaration of the rights of man, and ultimately the modern secular State. All the historic phenomena mentioned are based to a significant extent – though certainly not exclusively – on the Christian conception of the world. It has been observed – judiciously – that the rallying call “liberty, equality, fraternity” can easily be endorsed by a Christian, albeit with a clear emphasis on the third word.

In conclusion, it does not seem to be going too far to assert that, through the various twists and turns of European history, the secular nature of the modern State has been achieved at a high price, and was prompted in part, though of course not exclusively so, by a more or less conscious reference to the founding values of Christianity. That explains why in Europe and in Italy many jurists belonging to the Christian faith have featured among the strongest supporters of the secular State. ...

11.5  The link between Christianity and liberty implies a logical historical coherence which is not immediately obvious – like a river in a karst landscape which has only recently been explored, precisely because for most of its course it flows underground – partly because in the constantly changing relations between the States and Churches of Europe it is much easier to see the numerous attempts by the Churches to meddle in matters of State, and vice versa, just like the frequent occasions on which Christian ideals have been abandoned, though officially proclaimed, in the quest for power, or on which governments and religious authorities have clashed, sometimes violently.

11.6  Moreover, with the benefit of hindsight, it is easy to identify in the constant central core of Christian faith, despite the inquisition, despite anti-Semitism and despite the crusades, the principles of human dignity, tolerance and freedom, including religious freedom, and therefore, in the last analysis, the foundations of the secular State.

11.7  By studying history carefully, from a suitable distance, not from up close, we can clearly perceive an affinity between (but not the identity of) the “hard core” of Christianity, which, placing charity above everything else, including faith, emphasises the acceptance of difference, and the “hard core” of the republican Constitution, which, in a spirit of solidarity, attaches value to the freedom of all, and therefore constitutes the legal guarantee of respect for others. The harmony remains, even though around those cores – both centred on human dignity – there have been numerous accretions of extraneous elements with the passage of time, some of them so thick as to obscure the core, particularly the core of Christianity. ...

11.9  It can therefore be contended that in the present-day social reality the crucifix should be regarded not only as a symbol of a historical and cultural development, and therefore of the identity of our people, but also as a symbol of a value system: liberty, equality, human dignity and religious toleration, and accordingly also of the secular nature of the State – principles which underpin our Constitution.

In other words, the constitutional principles of freedom have many roots, which undeniably include Christianity, in its very essence. It would therefore be something of a paradox to exclude a Christian sign from a public institution in the name of secularism, one of whose distant sources is precisely the Christian religion.

12.1  This court is admittedly not unaware of the fact that, in the past, other values have been attributed to the symbol of the crucifix, such as, at the time of the Albertine Statute, the sign of Catholicism understood as the State religion, and therefore used to Christianise and consolidate power and authority.

The court is well aware, moreover, that it is still possible today to give various interpretations of the sign of the cross, and above all a strictly religious meaning referring to Christianity in general and Catholicism in particular. It is also aware that some pupils attending State schools might freely and legitimately attribute to the cross values which are different again, such as the sign of an unacceptable preference for one religion in relation to others, or an infringement of individual freedom and accordingly of the secular nature of the State, or at the extreme limit a reference to temporal political control over a State religion, or the inquisition, or even a free catechism voucher tacitly distributed even to non-believers in an inappropriate place, or subliminal propaganda in favour of Christian creeds. Although all those points of view are respectable, they are ultimately irrelevant in the present case. ...

12.6  It must be emphasised that the symbol of the crucifix, thus understood, now possesses, through its references to the values of tolerance, a particular scope in consideration of the fact that at present Italian State schools are attended by numerous pupils from outside the European Union, to whom it is relatively important to transmit the principles of openness to diversity and the refusal of any form of fundamentalism – whether religious or secular – which permeate our system. Our era is marked by the ferment resulting from the meeting of different cultures with our own, and to prevent that meeting from turning into a collision it is indispensable to reaffirm our identity, even symbolically, especially as it is characterised precisely by the values of respect for the dignity of each human being and of universal solidarity. ...

13.2  In fact, religious symbols in general imply a logical exclusion mechanism, as the point of departure of any religious faith is precisely the belief in a superior entity, which is why its adherents, the faithful, see themselves by definition and by conviction as part of the truth. Consequently, and inevitably, the attitude of the believer, faced with someone who does not believe, and who is therefore implicitly opposed to the supreme being, is an attitude of exclusion. ...

13.3  The logical mechanism of exclusion of the unbeliever is inherent in any religious conviction, even if those concerned are not aware of it, the sole exception being Christianity – where it is properly understood, which of course has not always been and still is not always the case, not even thanks to those who call themselves Christian. In Christianity even the faith in an omniscient god is secondary in relation to charity, meaning respect for one's fellow human beings. It follows that the rejection of a non-Christian by a Christian implies a radical negation of Christianity itself, a substantive abjuration; but that is not true of other religious faiths, for which such an attitude amounts at most to the infringement of an important precept.

13.4  The cross, as the symbol of Christianity, can therefore not exclude anyone without denying itself; it even constitutes in a sense the universal sign of the acceptance of and respect for every human being as such, irrespective of any belief, religious or other, which he or she may hold. ...

14.1  It is hardly necessary to add that the sign of the cross in a classroom, when correctly understood, is not concerned with the freely held convictions of anyone, excludes no one and of course does not impose or prescribe anything, but merely implies, in the heart of the aims set for education and teaching in a publicly run school, a reflection – necessarily guided by the teaching staff – on Italian history and the common values of our society legally retranscribed in the Constitution, among which the secular nature of the State has pride of place. ...

16.  The first applicant appealed to the Consiglio di Stato (Supreme Administrative Court), which confirmed that the presence of crucifixes in State-school classrooms had its legal basis in Article 118 of the royal decree of 30 April 1924 and Article 119 of the royal decree of 26 April 1928 and, regard being had to the meaning that should be attached to it, was compatible with the principle of secularism. On that point it found in particular that in Italy the crucifix symbolised the religious origin of values (tolerance, mutual respect, valorisation of the person, affirmation of one's rights, consideration for one's freedom, the autonomy of one's moral conscience vis-à-vis authority, human solidarity and the refusal of any form of discrimination) which characterised Italian civilisation. In that sense, when displayed in classrooms, the crucifix could fulfil – even in a “secular” perspective distinct from the religious perspective to which it specifically referred – a highly educational symbolic function, irrespective of the religion professed by the pupils. The Consiglio di Stato held that the crucifix had to be seen as a symbol capable of reflecting the remarkable sources of the above-mentioned values, the values which defined secularism in the State's present legal order.

In its judgment (no. 556) dated 13 April 2006 the Consiglio di Stato gave the following reasoning:

... the Constitutional Court has accepted on a number of occasions that secularism is a supreme principle of our constitutional order, capable of resolving certain questions of constitutional legitimacy (among numerous judgments, see those which concern the provisions relating to the compulsory nature of religious teaching in school or the jurisdiction of the courts over cases concerning the validity of marriages contracted according to canon law and recorded in the registers of marriages).

This is a principle which is not proclaimed in express terms in our Constitution, a principle which is rich with ideological resonances and has a history full of controversy, but one nevertheless which has a legal importance that can be deduced from the fundamental norms of our system. In reality the Court derives this principle specifically from Articles 2, 3, 7, 8, 19 and 20 of the Constitution.

The principle uses a linguistic symbol (“secularism”) which indicates in abridged form certain significant aspects of the above-mentioned provisions, the content of which established the operating conditions under which this symbol should be understood and function. If these specific operating conditions had not been established, the principle of “secularism” would remain confined to ideological conflicts and could be used only with difficulty in a legal framework.

In that framework, the operating conditions are of course determined by reference to the cultural traditions and the customs of each people, in so far as these traditions and customs are reflected in the legal order, and this differs from one nation to another. ...

In the context of this court and the problem placed before it, namely the legitimacy of displaying the crucifix in classrooms, on the part of the competent authorities acting pursuant to the regulations, what has to be done in practice is the simpler task of verifying whether that requirement does or does not infringe the content of the fundamental norms of our constitutional order, that give form and substance to the principle of “secularism” which now characterises the Italian State and to which the Constitutional Court has referred on a number of occasions.

Quite clearly, the crucifix is in itself a symbol that may have various meanings and serve various purposes, above all for the place in which it has been displayed.

In a place of worship the crucifix is properly and exclusively a “religious symbol”, since it is intended to foster respectful adherence to the founder of the Christian religion.

In a non-religious context like a school, used for the education of young people, the crucifix may still convey the above-mentioned values to believers, but for them and for non-believers its display is justified and possesses a non-discriminatory meaning from the religious point of view if it is capable of representing and evoking synthetically and in an immediately perceptible and foreseeable manner (like any symbol) values which are important for civil society, in particular the values which underpin and inspire our constitutional order, the foundation of our civil life. In that sense the crucifix can perform – even in a “secular” perspective distinct from the religious perspective specific to it – a highly educational symbolic function, irrespective of the religion professed by the pupils.

Now it is obvious that in Italy the crucifix is capable of expressing, symbolically of course, but appropriately, the religious origin of those values – tolerance, mutual respect, valorisation of the person, affirmation of one's rights, consideration for one's freedom, the autonomy of one's moral conscience vis-à-vis authority, human solidarity and the refusal of any form of discrimination – which characterise Italian civilisation.

Those values, which have pervaded traditions, a way of life, the culture of the Italian people, form the basis for and spring from the fundamental norms of our founding charter – contained in the “Fundamental Principles” and the first part – and especially from those which the Constitutional Court referred to and which delimit the form of secularism appropriate to the Italian State.

The reference, via the crucifix, to the religious origin of these values and their full and complete correspondence with Christian teachings accordingly makes plain the transcendent sources of the values concerned, without calling into question, rather indeed confirming the autonomy of the temporal power vis-à-vis the spiritual power (but not their opposition, implicit in an ideological interpretation of secularism which has no equivalent in the Constitution), and without taking anything away from their particular “secular” nature, adapted to the cultural context specific to the fundamental order of the Italian State and manifested by it. Those values are therefore experienced in civil society autonomously (and not contradictorilyin relation to religious society, so that they may be endorsed “secularly” by all, irrespective of adhesion to the creed which inspired and defended them.

As with any symbol, one can impose on or attribute to the crucifix various contrasting meanings; one can even deny its symbolic value and make it a simple trinket having artistic value at the most. However, a crucifix displayed in a classroom cannot be considered a trinketa decorative featurenor as an adjunct to worship. Rather, it should be seen as symbol capable of reflecting the remarkable sources of the civil values referred to above, values which define secularism in the State's present legal order. ...

II.  DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELEVANT DOMESTIC LAW AND PRACTICE

17.  The obligation to hang crucifixes in primary school classrooms was laid down in Article 140 of royal decree no. 4336 of 15 September 1860 of the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia, promulgated in accordance with Law no. 3725 of 13 November 1859, which provided: “each school must without fail be equipped with ... a crucifix (Article 140).

In 1861, the year which saw the birth of the Italian State, the 1848 Statute of the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia became the Constitution of the Kingdom of Italy; it provided in particular: “the Roman Catholic Apostolic religion shall be the only religion of the State [andother existing creeds shall be tolerated in conformity with the law”.

18.  The capture of Rome by the Italian army on 20 September 1870, following which the city was annexed and proclaimed capital of the new Kingdom of Italy, caused a crisis in relations between the State and the Catholic Church. By Law no. 214 of 13 May 1871 the Italian State unilaterally regulated relations with the Churchgranting the Pope a number of privileges for the orderly conduct of religious activity. According to the applicants, the display of crucifixes in schools fell little by little into disuse.

19.  During the fascist period the State took a series of measures aimed at ensuring compliance with the obligation to display the crucifix in classrooms.

For instance, on 22 November 1922 the Ministry of Education sent out a circular (no. 68) with the following wording: “... in the last few years in many of the Kingdom's primary schools the image of Christ and the portrait of the King have been removed. That is a manifest and intolerable breach of the regulations and especially an attack on the dominant religion of the State and the unity of the Nation. We therefore order all municipal administrative authorities in the Kingdom to restore, to those schools which lack them, the two sacred symbols of the faith and the consciousness of nationhood.”

On 30 April 1924 royal decree no. 965 of 30 April 1924 was adopted. This decree laid down the internal regulations governing middle schools (ordinamento interno delle giunte e dei regi istituti di istruzione media). Article 118 provided:

“Each school must have the national flag and each classroom must have a crucifix and a portrait of the King”.

Article 119 of royal decree no. 1297 of 26 April 1928, approving the general regulations governing the provision of primary education (approvazione del regolamento generale sui servizi dell'istruzione elementare), provides that the crucifix must form part of the “necessary equipment and supplies in school classrooms”.

20.  The Lateran Pacts, signed on 11 February 1929, marked the “Conciliation” of the Italian State and the Catholic Church. Catholicism was confirmed as Italy's official religion, Article 1 of the Conciliation Treaty being worded as follows:

Italy recognizes and reaffirms the principle established in the first Article of the Italian Constitution dated March 4 1848, according to which the Roman Catholic Apostolic religion is the only State religion.”

21.  In 1948 Italy adopted its republican Constitution, Article 7 of which provides: “The State and the Catholic Churcheach in its own order, shall be independent and sovereign ... their relations shall be regulated by the Lateran Pacts [and] amendments to the Pacts accepted by both parties shall not require proceedings to revise the Constitution.” Article 8 provides: “All religious creeds shall be equally free before the law ... religious creeds other than Catholicism shall have the right to organise in accordance with their own statutes, in so far as these are not incompatible with the Italian legal order [and] their relations with the State shall be determined by the law on the basis of agreements with their respective representatives”.

22.  ThProtocol to the new concordat, of 18 February 1984, ratified by Law no. 121 of 25 March 1985, states that the principle laid down in the Lateran Pacts, that the Catholic religion is the only State religion, is no longer in force.

23.  In a judgment of 12 April 1989 (no. 203), rendered in a case which raised the question of the non-compulsory nature of Catholic religious instruction in State schoolsthe Constitutional Court held that the principle of secularism was derived from the Constitution, ruling that it implied not that the State should be indifferent to religions but that it should guarantee the protection of the freedom of religion in a context of confessional and cultural pluralism.

Dealing in the present case with an application concerning the conformity of the presence of crucifixes in State-school classrooms with the principle of secularism, the Constitutional Court ruled that it did not have jurisdiction, since the texts which required the presence of the crucifix were only regulations (decision of 15 December 2004, no. 389; see paragraph 14 above). When called upon to examine this question, the Consiglio di Stato held thatregard being had to the meaning that should be attached to it, the presence of the crucifix in State-school classrooms was compatible with the principle of secularism (judgment of 13 February 2006, no. 556; see paragraph 16 above).

In a different case, the Court of Cassation had taken the contrary view to that of the Consiglio di Stato in the context of a prosecution for refusing to serve as a scrutineer in a polling station on the ground that a crucifix was displayed there. In its judgment of 1 March 2000 (no. 439), it held that the presence of the crucifix infringed the principles of secularism and the impartiality of the State, and the principlof the freedom of conscience of those who did not accept any allegiance to that symbolIt expressly rejected the argument that displaying the crucifix was justified in that it was the symbol of “an entire civilisation or the collective ethical conscience” and – here the Court of Cassation cited the terms used by the Consiglio di Stato in an opinion of 27 April 1988 (no. 63) – also symbolised “a universal value independent of any specific religious creed”.

24.  On 3 October 2002 the Minister of Education, Universities and Research issued the following instruction (no. 2666):

... The Minister

... Considering that the presence of crucifixes in classrooms is founded on the provisions in force, that it offends neither against religious pluralism nor against the objectiveof multicultural education of Italian schools and that it cannot be considered a limitation of the freedom of conscience guaranteed by the Constitution, since it does not refer to a specific creed but constitutes only an expression of Christian civilisation and culture, and that it therefore forms part of the universal heritage of mankind;

Having assessed, with respect for different allegiances, convictions and beliefs, the desirability of requiring all schoolswithin the limits of their own autonomy and by decision of their competent collegiate organs, to set aside part of their premises to be used, without any obligation and without any fixed hours being appointed, for contemplation and meditation by those members of the school community who so wish;

Issues the following instruction:

ThMinistry's competent service ... shall take the necessary measures to see to it that:

1) school governors ensure the presence of crucifixes in classrooms;

2) all schoolswithin the limits of their own autonomy, and by decision of the members of their collegiate organs, set aside part of their premises to be used, without any obligation and without any fixed hours being appointed, for contemplation and meditation by those members of the school community who so wish ....

25.  Articles 19, 33 and 34 of the Constitution are worded as follows:

Article 19

“Everyone is entitled to freely profess their religious beliefs in any form, individually or with others, and to promote them and celebrate rites in public or in private, provided that they are not offensive to public morality.”

Article 33

“The Republic guarantees the freedom of the arts and sciences, which may be freely taught.

The Republic lays down general rules for education and establishes State schools of all branches and grades. ...

Article 34

“Schools are open to everyone.

Elementary education, given for at least eight years, is compulsory and free. ...

III.  OVERVIEW OF LAW AND PRACTICE IN THE MEMBER STATES OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE WITH REGARD TO THE PRESENCE OF RELIGIOUS SYMBOLS IN STATE SCHOOLS

26.  In the great majority of member States of the Council of Europe the question of the presence of religious symbols in State schools is not governed by any specific regulations.

27.  The presence of religious symbols in State schools is expressly forbidden only in a small number of member States: the former Yugoslav Republic of MacedoniaFrance (except in Alsace and the département of Moselle) and Georgia.

It is only expressly prescribed – in addition to Italy – in a few member States, namely: Austria, certain administrative regions of Germany (Länder) and Switzerland (communes), and Poland. Nevertheless, such symbols are found in the State schools of some member States where the question is not specifically regulated, such as SpainGreeceIrelandMaltaSan Marino and Romania.

28.  The question has been brought before the supreme courts of a number of member States.

In Switzerland the Federal Court has held a communal ordinance prescribing the presence of crucifixes in primary school classrooms to be incompatible with the requirements of confessional neutrality enshrined in the Federal Constitution, but without criticising such a presence in other parts of the school premises (26 September 1990; ATF 116 1a 252).

In Germany the Federal Constitutional Court has ruled that a similar Bavarian ordinance was contrary to the principle of the State's neutrality and difficult to reconcile with the freedom of religion of children who were not Catholics (16 May 1995; BVerfGE 93,1). The Bavarian parliament then issued a new ordinance maintaining the previous measure, but enabling parents to cite their religious or secular convictions in challenging the presence of crucifixes in the classrooms attended by their children and introducing a mechanism whereby, if necessary, a compromise or a personalised solution could be reached.

In Poland the Ombudsman referred to the Constitutional Court an ordinance of 14 April 1992 issued by the Minister of Education prescribing in particular the possibility of displaying crucifixes in State-school classrooms. The Constitutional Court ruled that the measure was compatible with the freedom of conscience and religion and the principle of the separation of Church and State guaranteed by Article 82 of the Constitution, given that it did not make such display compulsory (20 April 1993; no. U 12/32).

In Romania the Supreme Court set aside a decision of the National Council for the Prevention of Discrimination of 21 November 2006 recommending to the Ministry of Education that it should regulate the question of the presence of religious symbols in publicly run educational establishments and, in particular, authorise the display of such symbols only during religious studies lessons or in rooms used for religious instruction. The Supreme Court held in particular that the decision to display such symbols in educational establishments should be a matter for the community formed by teachers, pupils and pupils' parents (11 June 2008; no. 2393).

In Spain the High Court of Justice of Castile and Leon, ruling in a case brought by an association militating in favour of secular schooling which had unsuccessfully requested the removal of religious symbols from schools, held that the schools concerned should remove them if they received an explicit request from the parents of a pupil (14 December 2009; no. 3250).

THE LAW

I.  ALLEGED VIOLATION OF ARTICLE OF PROTOCOL No. 1 AND ARTICLE 9 OF THE CONVENTION

29.  The applicants complained of the fact that crucifixes were affixed to the wall in the classrooms of the State school attended by the second and third applicants. They argued that this infringed the right to education, guaranteed by Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 in the following terms:

“No person shall be denied the right to education. In the exercise of any functions which it assumes in relation to education and to teaching, the State shall respect the right of parents to ensure such education and teaching in conformity with their own religious and philosophical convictions.”

They also contended that these facts infringed their right to the freedom of thought, conscience and religion enshrined in Article 9 of the Convention, which provides as follows:

“1.  Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief, in worship, teaching, practice and observance.

2.  Freedom to manifest one's religion or beliefs shall be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of public safety, for the protection of public order, health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.”

A.  The Chamber's judgment

30.  In its judgment of 3 November 2009 the Chamber held that there had been a violation of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 taken together with Article of the Convention.

31.  First of allthe Chamber derived from the principles relating to the interpretation of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 established in the Court's case-law an obligation on the State to refrain from imposing beliefs, even indirectly, in places where persons were dependent on it or in places where they were particularly vulnerable, emphasising that the schooling of children was a particularly sensitive area in that respect.

The Court went on to say that among the plurality of meanings the crucifix might have the religious meaning was predominant. It accordingly considered that the compulsory and highly visible presence of crucifixes in classrooms was capable not only of clashing with the secular convictions of the first applicant, whose children attended at that time a State school, but also of being emotionally disturbing for pupils of non-Christian religions or those who professed no religion. On that last point, the Chamber emphasised that the “negative” freedom of religion was not limited to the absence of religious services or religious educationit extended to practices and symbols expressing, in particular or in general, a belief, a religion or atheism. It added that this “negative right” deserved special protection if it was the State which expressed a belief and dissenters were placed in a situation from which they could not extract themselves if not by making disproportionate efforts and sacrifices.

According to the Chamber, the State had a duty to uphold confessional neutrality in public education, where school attendance was compulsory regardless of religion, and which had to seek to inculcate in pupils the habit of critical thought. It observed in addition that it could not see how the display in State-school classrooms of a symbol that it was reasonable to associate with the majority religion in Italy could serve the educational pluralism which was essential for the preservation of “democratic society” within the Convention meaning of that term.

32.  The Chamber concluded that “the compulsory display of a symbol of a particular faith in the exercise of public authority in relation to specific situations subject to governmental supervision, particularly in classrooms, restrict[ed] the right of parents to educate their children in conformity with their convictions and the right of schoolchildren to believe or not believe”. The practice infringed those rights because “the restrictions [were] incompatible with the State's duty to respect neutrality in the exercise of public authority, particularly in the field of education” (§ 57 of the judgment).

B.  Arguments of the parties

1.  ThGovernment

33.  The Government did not raise an objection of inadmissibility.

34.  They regretted that the Chamber had not had available to it a comparative law study of relations between the State and religions and on the question of the display of religious symbols in State schools. They asserted that the Chamber had thus deprived itself of an essential element, since such a study would have shown that there was no common approach in Europe in these fieldsand would accordingly have led it to the finding that the member States had a particularly wide margin of appreciationconsequentlythe Chamber, in its judgment, had failed to take that margin of appreciation into consideration, thus ignoring one fundamental aspect of the problem.

35.  The Government also criticised the Chamber's judgment for deriving from the concept of confessional “neutrality” a principle excluding any relations between the State and a particular religion, whereas neutrality required the public administrative authorities to take all religions into account. The judgment was accordingly based on confusion between “neutrality” (an inclusive concept”and “secularism (an “exclusive concept”). Moreover, in the Government's view, neutrality meant that States should refrain from promoting not only a particular religion but also atheism, “secularism” on the State's part being no less problematic than proselytising by the State. The Chamber's judgment was thus based on a misunderstanding and amounted to favouring an irreligious or antireligious approach of which the applicant, as a member of the Union of atheists and rationalist agnostics, was asserted to be a militant supporter.

36.  ThGovernment went on to argue that it was necessary to take account of the fact that a single symbol could be interpreted differently from one person to another. That applied in particular to the sign of the cross, which could be perceived not only as a religious symbolbut also as a cultural and identity-linked symbol, the symbol of the principles and values which formed the basis of democracy and western civilisation; it appeared, for instance, on the flags of a number of European countries. Whatever the evocative power of an “image” might be, in the Government's view, it was a “passive symbol”, whose impact on individualwas not comparable with the impact of “active conduct”, and no one had asserted in the present case that the content of the teaching provided in Italy was influenced by the presence of crucifixes in classrooms.

That presence was the expression of a “national particularity”, characterised notably by close relations between the State, the people and Catholicism attributable to the historical, cultural and territorial development of Italy and to a deeply rooted and long-standing attachment to the values of Catholicism. Keeping crucifixes in schools was therefore a matter of preserving a centuries-old tradition. The Government argued that the right of parents to respect for their “family culture” ought not to infringe the community's right to transmit its culture or the right of children to discover it. Moreover, by contenting itself with a “potential risk” of emotional disturbance in finding a breach of the rights to education and freedom of thought, conscience and religion, the Chamber had considerably widened the scope of those provisions.

37.  Referring in particular to the Otto-Preminger-Institut v. Austria judgment of 20 September 1994 (Series A no. 295-A), thGovernment contended that, although account should be taken of the fact that the Catholic religion was that of a large majority of Italians, this was not in order to make that fact into an aggravating circumstance, as the Chamber had done. On the contrary, the Court should acknowledge and protect national traditions and the prevailing popular feeling, and leave each State to maintain a balance between opposing interests. Moreover, it was the Court's case-law that school curricula or provisions establishing the preponderance of the majority religion did not in themselves point to undue influence on the part of the State or attempted indoctrination, and that the Court should respect constitutional traditions and principles relating to relations between the State and religions – including in the present case the particular approach to secularism which prevailed in Italy – and take into account the context of each State.

38.  Considering in addition that the second sentence of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 was applicable only to school curricula, the Government criticised the Chamber's judgment for the finding of a violation without any indication of how the mere presence of a crucifix in the classrooms where the first applicant's children were taught was capable of substantially reducing her ability to bring them up in conformity with her convictions, the only reason given being that pupils would feel that they were being educated in a school environment marked by a particular religion. That reason was erroneous when judged by the yardstick of the Court's case-law, from which it could be seen in particular, firstly that the Convention did not prevent member States from having a State religion, or from showing a preference for a particular religion, or from providing pupils with more extensive religious teaching in relation to the dominant religion, and secondly that account had to be taken of the fact that the educational influence of parents was much greater than the school's.

39.  In the Government's view, the presence of crucifixes in classrooms made a legitimate contribution to enabling children to understand the national community in which they were expected to integrate. An “environmental influence” was all the more improbable because children in Italy received an education which helped them to develop a critical outlook on the question of religion, in a dispassionate atmosphere from which any form of proselytising was excluded. Moreover, Italy had opted for a benevolent approach to minority religions in the school environment: Italian law currently conferred the right to wear Islamic headscarves and other apparel or symbols with a religious connotation; the beginning and end of Ramadan were often celebrated in schools; religious instruction was permitted for all recognised creeds; and the needs of pupils belonging to minority faiths were taken into account, with Jewish pupils, for example, being entitled not to sit examinations on Saturdays.

40.  Lastlythe Government emphasised the need to take into account the right of parents who wanted crucifixes to be kept in classrooms. That was the wish of the majority in Italy and was also the wish democratically expressed in the present case by almost all the members of the school's governing body. Removing crucifixes from classrooms in such circumstances would amount to “abuse of a minority position” and would be in contradiction with the State's duty to help individuals satisfy their religious needs.

2.  The applicants

41.  The applicants submitted that the display of crucifixes in the classrooms of the State school attended by the second and third applicants constituted an illegitimate interference with their right to the freedom of thought and conscience and infringed the principle of educational pluralism in that it was the expression of the State'preference for a particular religion in a place where conscience was formed. By expressing that preference the State was also disregarding its obligation to give special protection to minors against any form of propaganda or indoctrination. Moreover, according to the applicants, since the educational environment was thus marked by a symbol of the dominant religion, the display of the crucifix which they complained of infringed the second and third applicants' right to receive an open and pluralistic education aimed at the development of a capacity for critical judgement. Lastly, as the first applicant was in favour of secularismit infringed her right to have her children educated in conformity with her own philosophical convictions.

42.  The applicants argued that the crucifix was without a shadow of a doubt a religious symbol and trying to attribute a cultural value to it savoured of an attempt to maintain a hopeless last-ditch defence. Nor did anything in the Italian legal system justify the assertion that it was a symbol of national identity: according to the Constitution, it was the flag which symbolised that identity.

Moreoveras the German Federal Constitutional Court had pointed out in its judgment of 16 May 1995 (see paragraph 28 above), giving the crucifix a profane meaning would move it away from its original meaning and help divest it of its sacred natureAs to the assertion that it was merely a “passive symbol”, this ignored the fact that like all symbols – and more than all others – it gave material form to a cognitive, intuitive and emotional reality which went beyond the immediately perceptible. The German Federal Constitutional Court had, moreover, made that finding, holding in the judgment cited above that the presence of crucifixes in classrooms had an evocative character in that it represented the content of the faith it symbolised and served as “publicity material” for itLastly, the applicants pointed out that in the Dahlab v. Switzerland decision of 15 February 2001 (no. 42393/98ECHR 2001-V), the Court had noted the particular power that religious symbols exerted in the school environment.

43.  The applicants contended that every democratic State had a duty to guarantee the freedom of conscience, pluralism, equal treatment of beliefs and the secular nature of institutions. The principlof secularism required above all neutrality on the part of the State, which should keep out of the religious sphere and adopt the same attitude with regard to all religious currents. In other words, neutralitobliged the State to establish a neutral space within which everyone could freely live according to his own beliefs. By imposing religious symbols, namely crucifixes, in classrooms, the Italian State was doing the opposite.

44.  The approach advocated by the applicants was thus clearly distinct from State atheism, which amounted to denying the freedom of religion by imposing a secular viewpoint in an authoritarian manner. Seen in terms of the State's impartiality and neutrality, secularism was on the contrary a means of securing the religious and philosophical freedom of conscience of all.

45.  The applicants further contended that it was essential to give special protection to minority beliefs and convictionsin order to preserve those who held them from a “despotism of the majority”, and that too was a reason for removing crucifixes from classrooms.

46.  In conclusion, the applicants argued that although, as the Government maintained, removing crucifixes from State-school classrooms would take away part of Italian cultural identity, keeping them there was incompatible with the foundations of western political thoughtthe principles of the liberal State and a pluralist, open democracyand respect for the individual rights and freedoms enshrined in the Italian Constitution and the Convention.

C.  Submissions of the third-party interveners

1.  The Governments of ArmeniaBulgariaCyprus, the Russian FederationGreeceLithuaniaMalta and the Republic of San Marino

47.  In their joint observations submitted at the hearing, the Governments of Armenia, Bulgaria, Cyprus, the Russian Federation, Greece, Lithuania, Malta and the Republic of San Marino indicated that in their view the Chamber's reasoning had been based on a misunderstanding of the concept of “neutrality”, which the Chamber had confused with “secularism”. They pointed out that there was a huge diversity of Church-State arrangements in Europe and that more than half the population of Europe lived in non-secular States. They added that State symbols inevitably had a place in state education and that many of these had a religious origin, the Cross – which was both a national and a religious symbol – being the most visible example. In their view, in non-secular European States the presence of religious symbols in the public space was widely tolerated by the secular population as part of national identity. States should not have to divest themselves of part of their cultural identity simply because that identity was of religious origin. The position adopted by the Chamber was not an expression of the pluralism manifest in the Convention system, but an expression of the values of a secular State. To extend it to the whole of Europe would represent the “Americanisation” of Europe in that a single and unique rule and a rigid separation of Church and State would be binding on everyone.

In their submission, favouring secularism was a political position that, whilst respectable, was not neutral. Accordingly, in the educational sphere a State that supported the secular as opposed to the religious was not being neutral. Similarly, removing crucifixes from classrooms where they had always been would not be devoid of educational consequences. In reality, whether the State opted to allow or prohibit the presence of crucifixes in classrooms, the important factor was the degree to which the curriculum contextualised and taught children tolerance and pluralism.

The intervening Governments acknowledged that there might be circumstances where the arrangements by the State were unacceptable. The burden of proof should remain on the individual, however, and the Court should intervene only in extreme cases.

2.  The Government of the Principality of Monaco

48.  The intervening Government declared that they shared the viewpoint of the respondent Government according to which the crucifix was a “passive symbol” that was found on the coats of arms and flags of many States and in the instant case reflected a national identity rooted in history. Furthermore, being indivisible, the principle of State neutrality required the authorities to refrain from imposing a religious symbol where there had never been one and from withdrawing one that had always been there.

3.  The Government of Romania

49.  The intervening Government submitted that the Chamber had taken insufficient account of the wide margin of appreciation available to the Contracting States where sensitive issues were involved and that there was no European-wide consensus. They pointed out that the Court's case-law recognised in particular that the States enjoyed a wide margin of appreciation regarding the wearing of religious symbols in State schools; in their submission, the same should apply to the display of religious symbols in such schools. They also pointed out that the Chamber judgment had been based on the premise that the display of religious symbols in State schools breached Article 9 of the Convention and Article 2 of Protocol No. 1, which conflicted with the principle of neutrality because, where applicable, Contracting States were compelled to intervene with a view to removing those symbols. In their view, that principle was better served where decisions of this type were taken jointly by teachers, pupils and parents. In any event, as it was not associated with particular religious obligations, the presence of the crucifix in classrooms did not sufficiently affect the religious feelings of those concerned for there to be a violation of the aforementioned provisions.

4.  The non-governmental organisation Greek Helsinki Monitor

50.  According to the intervening organisation, the crucifix could not be perceived as anything other than a religious symbol, so that displaying it in State-school classrooms could be seen as an institutional message advocating a particular religion. It pointed out that in the case of Folgerø the Court had held that the participation of pupils in religious activities could in fact influence them, and considered that the same was true where they were taught in classrooms where a religious symbol was displayed. It also drew the Court's attention to the fact that children or parents who were bothered by this might refrain from protesting for fear of reprisals.

5.  The non-governmental organisation Associazione nazionale del libero Pensiero

51.  The intervening organisation, which considered that the presence of religious symbols in State-school classrooms was incompatible with Article 9 of the Convention and Article 2 of Protocol No. 1, submitted that the restrictions imposed on the applicants' rights were not “prescribed by law” within the meaning of the Court's case-law. It pointed out in that connection that displaying the crucifix in State-school classrooms was prescribed not by law but by regulations adopted during the fascist eraIt added that those regulations had in any event been implicitly repealed by the Constitution of 1947 and the Law of 1985 ratifying the agreements amending the Lateran Pacts of 1929. It pointed out that the Criminal Division of the Court of Cassation had ruled accordingly in a judgment of 1 March 2000 (no. 4273) in a similar case relating to crucifixes displayed in polling stations and that it had confirmed that approach in a judgment of 17 February 2009 concerning crucifixes displayed in courtrooms (without, however, ruling on the merits). There was therefore a conflict of case-law between the Consiglio di Stato – which, on the contrary, held that the relevant regulations were applicable – and the Court of Cassation that affected the principle of legal security, which was the pillar of a State governed by the rule of law. As the Constitutional Court had declined jurisdiction, there was no mechanism in Italy whereby this conflict could be resolved.

6.  The non-governmental organisation European Centre for Law and Justice

52.  The intervening organisation submitted that the Chamber had wrongly addressed the question raised by the case, which was whether the Convention rights invoked by the first applicant had been violated merely on account of the presence of the crucifix in classrooms. Its view was that they had not. Firstly, the “personal convictions” of the first applicant's children had not been violated because they had neither been compelled to act against their conscience nor prevented from acting according to their conscience. Secondly, their “innermost convictions” and the first applicant's right to ensure their education in conformity with her own philosophical convictions had not been violated because her children had neither been forced to believe nor prevented from not believing. They had not been indoctrinated; nor had they been the subject of misplaced proselytism. The intervening organisation submitted that the Chamber had been mistaken in holding that a State's decision to display crucifixes in classrooms was contrary to the Convention (which was not the question that had been submitted to it). In doing so, the Chamber had created “a new obligation relating not to the first applicant's rights, but to the nature of the “educational environment”. In the intervening organisation's submission, it was because it had been unable to establish that the first applicant'children's “innermost or personal convictions” had been violated on account of the presence of the crucifix in the classrooms that the Chamber had created a new obligation to ensure that the educational environment was entirely secular, thus exceeding the scope of the application and the limits of its jurisdiction.

7.  The non-governmental organisation Eurojuris

53.  The intervening organisation agreed with the Chamber's conclusions. After reiterating the relevant provisions of Italian positive law – and underscoring the constitutional value of the principle of secularism – it referred to the principle established in the Court's case-law to the effect that school should not be a place for proselytism or preaching. It also referred to cases in which the Court had examined the question of the wearing of Islamic veils in educational establishments. It went on to point out that the presence of crucifixes in Italian State-school classrooms had been prescribed not by law but by regulations inherited from the fascist era which reflected confessional conception of the State today that was incompatible with the principle of secularism laid down in positive constitutional lawIt firmly rejected the reasoning of the Italian Administrative Court, according to which prescribing the presence of crucifixes in State-school classrooms was still compatible with that principle because they symbolised secular values. In its submission, it was a religious symbol with which non-Christians did not identifyMoreover, by obliging schools to display it in State-school classrooms the State conferred a particular dimension on a given religion, to the detriment of pluralism.

8.  The non-governmental organisations International Commission of Jurists, Interights and Human Rights Watch

54.  The intervening organisations submitted that the compulsory display of religious symbols such as the crucifix in State-school classrooms was incompatible with the principle of neutrality and the rights guaranteed to pupils and their parents under Article 9 of the Convention and Article 2 of Protocol No. 1In their submission, educational pluralism was an established principle, upheld not only in the Court's case-law but also in the case-law of a number of supreme courts and in various internationainstrumentsFurthermorethe Court's case-law supported a duty of State neutrality and impartialitas among religious beliefs in the provision of public services, including education. They pointed out that this principle of impartiality was recognised not only by the Italian, Spanish and German Constitutional Courts but also, in particular, by the French Conseil d'Etaand the Swiss Federal CourtThey added that, as several supreme courts had heldState neutralitas among religious beliefs was particularly important in the classroom because, school being compulsory, children were vulnerable to indoctrination at schoolThey went on to reiterate the Court's finding that, although the Convention did not prevent States from imparting through teaching or education information or knowledge of a religious or philosophical kindthey had to ensure that this was done in an objective, critical and pluralistic manner, and free of any indoctrination. They stressed that the same applied to all functions carried out in the area of education and teaching, including the organisation of the school environment.

9.  The non-governmental organisations Zentralkomitee der deutschen katholikenSemaines sociales de France and Associazioni cristiane lavoratori italiani

55.  The intervening organisations stated that they agreed with the Chamber that, whilst the crucifix had a plural meaning, it was primarily the central symbol of ChristianityThey added, however, that they disagreed with its conclusion, and found it difficult to understand how the presence of crucifixes in classrooms could be “emotionally disturbing” for some pupils or hinder the development of their critical thinkingIn their submission, that presence alone could not be equated with a religious or philosophical message; it should rather be interpreted as a passive way of conveying basic moral valuesThe question accordingly had to be regarded as one that fell within the competence of the State when deciding on the curriculum in schools; parents had to accept that certain aspects of State-school education could not be entirely in keeping with their convictions. They added that a State's decision to display crucifixes in State-school classrooms did not mean that it pursued an aim of indoctrination prohibited by Article 2 of Protocol No. 1. They maintained that a balance had to be found in the present case between the rights and interests of believers and non-believers, between the fundamental rights of individuals and the legitimate interests of societyand between the formulation of standards relating to fundamental rights and maintaining the diversity existing in EuropeIn their submission, the Court should leave a wide margin of appreciation to the States in this area because the organisation of the relationship between the State and religion varied from one country to another and – in particular regarding the place of religion in State schools – was deeply rooted in the history, tradition and culture of a country.

10.  Thirty-three members of the European Parliament acting collectively

56.  The interveners pointed out that the Court was not a constitutional court and had to respect the principle of subsidiarity and recognise a particularly broad margin of appreciation in favour of Contracting States not only regarding the relationship between the State and religion but also where they carried out their functions in the area of education and teaching. In their view, by taking a decision whose effect would be to make it compulsory to remove religious symbols from State schools, the Grand Chamber would be sending a radical ideological messageThey added that it was clear from the Court's case-law that a State whichfor reasons deriving from its history or its tradition, showed a preference for a particular religion did not exceed that marginAccordinglyin their opinion, the display of crucifixes in public buildings did not conflict with the Convention, and the presence of religious symbols in the public space should not be seen as a form of indoctrination but the expression of a cultural unity and identityThey added that in this specific context religious symbols had a secular dimension and should therefore not be removed.

D.  The Court's assessment

57.  In the first place, the Court observes that the only question before it concerns the compatibilityin the light of the circumstances of the case, of the presence of crucifixes in Italian State-school classrooms with the requirements of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 and Article of the Convention.

Thus it is not required in this case to examine the question of the presence of crucifixes in places other than State schools. Nor is it for the Court to rule on the compatibility of the presence of crucifixes in State-school classrooms with the principlof secularism as enshrined in Italian law.

58.  Secondlythe Court emphasises that the supporters of secularism are able to lay claim to views attaining the “level of cogency, seriousness, cohesion and importance” required for them to be considered “convictions” within the meaning of Articles 9 of the Convention and 2 of Protocol No. 1 (see Campbell and Cosans vthe United Kingdom, 25 February 1982, § 36, Series A no. 48). More precisely, their views must be regarded as “philosophical convictions”, within the meaning of the second sentence of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1, given that they are worthy of “respect 'in a democratic society'”, are not incompatible with human dignity and do not conflict with the fundamental right of the child to education (ibid.).

1.  The case of the first applicant

a.  General principles

59.  The Court reiterates that in the area of education and teaching Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 is in principle the lex specialis in relation to Article of the Convention. That is so at least whereas in the present casethe dispute concerns the obligation laid on Contracting States by the second sentence of Article 2 to respect, when exercising the functions they assume in that area, the right of parents to ensure such education and teaching in conformity with their own religious and philosophical convictions (see Folgerø and Others v. Norway [GC], no. 15472/02, § 84, ECHR 2007VIII§ 84).

The complaint in question should therefore be examined mainly from the standpoint of the second sentence of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 (see also Appel-Irrgang and Others v. Germany (dec.), no. 45216/07ECHR 2009...).

60.  Nevertheless, that provision should be read in the light not only of the first sentence of the same Article, but also, in particular, of Article 9 of the Convention (seefor example, Folgerøcited above, § 84), which guarantees freedom of thought, conscience and religionincluding the freedom not to belong to a religion, and which imposes on Contracting States a “duty of neutrality and impartiality”.

In that connection, it should be pointed out that States have responsibility for ensuringneutrally and impartiallythe exercise of various religions, faiths and beliefsTheir role is to help maintain public order, religious harmony and tolerance in a democratic society, particularly between opposing groups (seefor example, Leyla Şahin v. Turkey [GC], no. 44774/98, § 107, ECHR 2005XI). That concerns both relations between believers and non-believers and relations between the adherents of various religions, faiths and beliefs.

61.  The word “respect” in Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 means more than acknowledge” or “take into account; in addition to a primarily negative undertaking, it implies some positive obligation on the part of the State (see Campbell and Cosanscited above, § 37).

Nevertheless, the requirements of the notion of “respect”, which appears also in Article 8 of the Convention, vary considerably from case to case, given the diversity of the practices followed and the situations obtaining in the Contracting StatesAs a result, the Contracting States enjoy a wide margin of appreciation in determining the steps to be taken to ensure compliance with the Convention with due regard to the needs and resources of the community and of individuals. In the context of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 that concept implies in particular that this provision cannot be interpreted to mean that parents can require the State to provide a particular form of teaching (see Bulski v. Poland (dec.), nos. 46254/99 and 31888/02).

62.  The Court would also refer to its case-law on the place of religion in the school curriculum (see essentially Kjeldsen, Busk Madsen and Pedersen v. Denmark, 7 December 1976, §§ 50-53, Series A no. 23Folgerø, cited above, § 84; and Hasan and Eylem Zengin v. Turkey, no. 1448/04§§ 51 and 52, ECHR 2007XI).

According to those authorities, the setting and planning of the curriculum fall within the competence of the Contracting StatesIn principle it is not for the Court to rule on such questions, as the solutions may legitimately vary according to the country and the era.

In particular, the second sentence of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 does not prevent States from imparting through teaching or education information or knowledge of a directly or indirectly religious or philosophical kind. It does not even permit parents to object to the integration of such teaching or education in the school curriculum.

On the other hand, as its aim is to safeguard the possibility of pluralism in education, it requires the State, in exercising its functions with regard to education and teaching, to take care that information or knowledge included in the curriculum is conveyed in an objective, critical and pluralistic manner, enabling pupils to develop a critical mind particularly with regard to religion in a calm atmosphere free of any proselytism. The State is forbidden to pursue an aim of indoctrination that might be considered as not respecting parents' religious and philosophical convictions. That is the limit that the States must not exceed (see judgments cited above in this paragraph, §§ 53, 84 (h) and 52 respectively).

b.  Assessment of the facts of the case in the light of the above principles

63.  The Court does not accept the Government's argument that the obligation laid on Contracting States by the second sentence of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 concerns only the content of school curricula, so that the question of the presence of crucifixes in State-school classrooms would fall outside its scope.

It is true that a number of cases in which the Court has examined this provision concerned the content and implementation of the school curriculum. Nevertheless, as the Court has already emphasised, the obligation on Contracting States to respect the religious and philosophical convictions of parents does not apply only to the content of teaching and the way it is provided; it binds them “in the exercise” of all the “functions” – in the terms of the second sentence of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 – which they assume in relation to education and teaching (see essentially Kjeldsen, Busk Madsen and Pedersen, cited above, § 50; Valsamis v. Greece, 18 December 1996, § 27Reports of Judgments and Decisions 1996VI; Hasan and Eylem Zengin, cited above, § 49; and Folgerøcited above, § 84). That includes without any doubt the organisation of the school environment where domestic law attributes that function to the public authorities.

It is in that context that the presence of crucifixes in Italian State-school classrooms is to be placed (see Article 118 of royal decree no. 965 of 30 April 1924, Article 119 of royal decree no. 1297 of 26 April 1928 and Articles 159 and 190 of legislative decree no. 297 of 16 April 1994  paragraphs 14 and 19 above).

64.  In generalthe Court considers that where the organisation of the school environment is a matter for the public authorities, that task must be seen as a function assumed by the State in relation to education and teachingwithin the meaning of the second sentence of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1.

65.  It follows thathe decision whether crucifixes should be present in State-school classrooms forms part of the functions assumed by the respondent State in relation to education and teaching and, accordingly, falls within the scope of the second sentence of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1. That makes it an area in which the State's obligation to respect the right of parents to ensure the education and teaching of their children in conformity with their own religious and philosophical convictions comes into play.

66.  The Court further considers that the crucifix is above all a religious symbol. The domestic courts came to the same conclusion and in any event the Government have not contested this. The question whether the crucifix is charged with any other meaning beyond its religious symbolism is not decisive at this stage of the Court's reasoning.

There is no evidence before the Court that the display of a religious symbol on classroom walls may have an influence on pupils and so it cannot reasonably be asserted that it does or does not have an effect on young persons whose convictions are still in the process of being formed.

However, it is understandable that the first applicant might see in the display of crucifixes in the classrooms of the State school formerly attended by her children a lack of respect on the State's part for her right to ensure their education and teaching in conformity with her own philosophical convictions. Be that as it maythe applicant'subjective perception is not in itself sufficient to establish a breach of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1.

67.  The Government, for their part, explained that the presence of crucifixes in State-school classrooms, being the result of Italy's historical development, a fact which gave it not only a religious connotation but also an identity-linked one, now corresponded to a tradition which they considered it important to perpetuate. They added that, beyond its religious meaning, the crucifix symbolised the principles and values which formed the foundation of democracy and western civilisation, and that its presence in classrooms was justifiable on that account.

68.  The Court takes the view that the decision whether or not to perpetuate a tradition falls in principle within the margin of appreciation of the respondent State. The Court must moreover take into account the fact that Europe is marked by a great diversity between the States of which it is composed, particularly in the sphere of cultural and historical development. It emphasises, however, that the reference to a tradition cannot relieve Contracting State of its obligation to respect the rights and freedoms enshrined in the Convention and its Protocols.

As regards the Government's opinion on the meaning of the crucifix, the Court notes that the Consiglio di Stato and the Court of Cassation have diverging views in that regard and that the Constitutional Court has not given a ruling (see paragraphs 16 and 23 above). It is not for the Court to take a position regarding a domestic debate among domestic courts.

69.  The fact remains that the Contracting States enjoy a margin of appreciation in their efforts to reconcile exercise of the functions they assume in relation to education and teaching with respect for the right of parents to ensure such education and teaching in conformity with their own religious and philosophical convictions (see paragraph61-62 above).

That applies to organisation of the school environment and to the setting and planning of the curriculum (as the Court has already pointed out: see essentially the judgments cited above in the cases of Kjeldsen, Busk Madsen and Pedersen, §§ 50-53; Folgerø, § 84; and Zengin, §§ 51-52; paragraph 62 above). The Court therefore has a duty in principle to respect the Contracting States' decisions in these matters, including the place they accord to religion, provided that those decisions do not lead to a form of indoctrination (ibid.).

70.  The Court concludes in the present case that the decision whether crucifixes should be present in State-school classrooms is, in principle, a matter falling within the margin of appreciation of the respondent State. Moreover, the fact that there is no European consensus on the question of the presence of religious symbols in State schools (see paragraphs 26-28 above) speaks in favour of that approach.

This margin of appreciation, however, goes hand in hand with European supervision (see, for example, mutatis mutandisLeyla Şahincited above, § 110), the Court's task in the present case being to determine whether the limit mentioned in paragraph 69 above has been exceeded.

71.  In that connection, it is true that by prescribing the presence of crucifixes in State-school classrooms – a sign which, whether or not it is accorded in addition a secular symbolic value, undoubtedly refers to Christianity – the regulations confer on the country's majority religion preponderant visibility in the school environment.

That is not in itself sufficient, however, to denote a process of indoctrination on the respondent State's part and establish a breach of the requirements of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1.

The Court refers on this point, mutatis mutandis, to the previously cited Folgerø and Zengin judgments. In the Folgerø case, in which it was called upon to examine the content of “Christianity, religion and philosophy” (KRL) lessons, it found that the fact that the syllabus gave a larger share to knowledge of the Christian religion than to that of other religions and philosophies could not in itself be viewed as a departure from the principles of pluralism and objectivity amounting to indoctrination. It explained that in view of the place occupied by Christianity in the history and tradition of the respondent State – Norway – this question had to be regarded as falling within the margin of appreciation left to it in planning and setting the curriculum (see Folgerø, cited above, § 89). It reached a similar conclusion in the context of “religious culture and ethics” classes in Turkish schools, where the syllabus gave greater prominence to knowledge of Islam on the ground that, notwithstanding the State's secular nature, Islam was the majority religion practised in Turkey (see Zengin, cited above, § 63).

72.  Furthermore, a crucifix on a wall is an essentially passive symbol and this point is of importance in the Court's view, particularly having regard to the principle of neutrality (see paragraph 60 above). It cannot be deemed to have an influence on pupils comparable to that of didactic speech or participation in religious activities (see on these points Folgerø and Zengin, cited above, § 94 and § 64 respectively).

73.  The Court observes that, in its judgment of 3 November 2009, the Chamber agreed with the submission that the display of crucifixes in classrooms would have a significant impact on the second and third applicants, aged eleven and thirteen at the time. The Chamber found that, in the context of public education, crucifixes, which it was impossible not to notice in classrooms, were necessarily perceived as an integral part of the school environment and could therefore be considered “powerful external symbols” within the meaning of the decision in Dahlab, cited above (see §§ 54 and 55 of the judgment).

The Grand Chamber does not agree with that approachIt considers that that decision cannot serve as a basis in this case because the facts of the two cases are entirely different.

It points out that the case of Dahlab concerned the measure prohibiting the applicant from wearing the Islamic headscarf while teachingwhich was intended to protect the religious beliefs of the pupils and their parents and to apply the principle of denominational neutrality in schools enshrined in domestic lawAfter observing that the authorities had duly weighed the competing interests involved, the Court held, having regard above all to the tender age of the children for whom the applicant was responsible, that the authorities had not exceeded their margin of appreciation.

74.  Moreoverthe effects of the greater visibility which the presence of the crucifix gives to Christianity in schools needs to be further placed in perspective by consideration of the following points. Firstly, the presence of crucifixes is not associated with compulsory teaching about Christianity (see the comparative-law information set out in Zengin, cited above, § 33). Secondly, according to the indications provided by the Government, Italy opens up the school environment in parallel to other religionsThe Government indicated in this connection that iwas not forbidden for pupils to wear Islamic headscarves or other symbols or apparel having a religious connotation; alternative arrangements were possible to help schooling fit in with non-majority religious practicesthe beginning and end of Ramadan were “often celebrated” in schools; and optional religious education could be organised in schools for “all recognised religious creeds” (see paragraph 39 above). Moreover, there was nothing to suggest that the authorities were intolerant of pupils who believed in other religions, were non-believers or who held non-religious philosophical convictions.

In addition, the applicants did not assert that the presence of the crucifix in classrooms had encouraged the development of teaching practices with a proselytising tendency, or claim that the second and third applicants had ever experienced tendentious reference to that presence by a teacher in the exercise of his or her functions.

75.  Lastlythe Court notes that the first applicant retained in full her right as a parent to enlighten and advise her childrento exercise in their regard her natural functions as educator and to guide them on a path in line with her own philosophical convictions (seein particularKjeldsen, Busk Madsen and Pedersen and Valsamiscited above, §§ 54 and 31 respectively).

76.  It follows from the foregoing that, in deciding to keep crucifixes in the classrooms of the State school attended by the first applicant's children, the authorities acted within the limits of the margin of appreciation left to the respondent State in the context of its obligation to respect, in the exercise of the functions it assumes in relation to education and teaching, the right of parents to ensure such education and teaching in conformity with their own religious and philosophical convictions.

77.  The Court accordingly concludes that there has been no violation of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 in respect of the first applicant. It further considers that no separate issue arises under Article 9 of the Convention.

2.  The case of the second and third applicants

78.  The Court considers that, when read as it should be in the light of Article 9 of the Convention and the second sentence of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1, the first sentence of that provision guarantees schoolchildren the right to education in a form which respects their right to believe or not to believe. It therefore understands why pupils who are in favour of secularism may see in the presence of crucifixes in the classrooms of the State school they attend an infringement of the rights they derive from those provisions.

However, it considers, for the reasons given in connection with its examination of the first applicant's case, that there has been no violation of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 in respect of the second and third applicants. It further considers that no separate issue arises in the case under Article of the Convention.

II.  ALLEGED VIOLATION OF ARTICLE 14 OF THE CONVENTION

79.  The applicants submitted that because the second and third applicants had been exposed to the crucifixes displayed in the classrooms of the State school they attendedall three of themnot being Catholics, had suffered a discriminatory difference in treatment in relation to Catholic parents and their children. Arguing that “the principles enshrined in Article of the Convention and Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 are reinforced by the provisions of Article 14 de la Convention”, they complained of a violation of the latter Article, which provides:

“The enjoyment of the rights and freedoms set forth in [the] Convention shall be secured without discrimination on any ground such as sex, race, colour, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, association with a national minority, property, birth or other status.”

80.  The Chamber held that, regard being had to the circumstances of the case and the reasoning which had led it to find a violation of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 taken together with Article 9 of the Convention, there was no cause to examine the case under Article 14 also, whether taken separately or in conjunction with those provisions.

81.  The Courtwhich notes that little argument has been presented in support of this complaintreiterates that Article 14 of the Convention has no independent existence, since it has effect solely in relation to the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms safeguarded by the other substantive provisions of the Convention and its Protocols.

Proceeding on the assumption that the applicants wished to complain of discrimination regarding their enjoyment of the rights guaranteed by Article 9 of the Convention and Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 on account of the fact that they were not adherents of the Catholic religion and that the second and third of them had been exposed to the sight of crucifixes in the classrooms of the State school they attended, the Court does not see in those complaints any issue distinct from those it has already determined under Article 2 of Protocol No. 1. There is accordingly no cause to examine this part of the application.

FOR THESE REASONS, THE COURT

1.  Holds, by fifteen votes to two, that there has been no violation of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 and that no separate issue arises under Article 9 of the Convention;

2.  Holds unanimously that there is no cause to examine the complaint under Article 14 of the Convention.

Done in English and in French, and delivered at a public hearing in the Human Rights Building, Strasbourg, on 18 March 2011.

Erik FriberghJean-Paul Costa
RegistrarPresident

In accordance with Article 45 § 2 of the Convention and Rule 74 § 2 of the Rules of Court, the following separate opinions are annexed to this judgment

(a)  Concurring opinion of Judge Rozakis joined by Judge Vajić;

(b)  Concurring opinion of Judge Bonello;

(c)  Concurring opinion of Judge Power;

(d)  Dissenting opinion of Judge Malinverni joined by Judge Kalaydjieva.

J.-P.C.
E.F.

 

CONCURRING OPINION OF JUDGE ROZAKIS JOINED BY JUDGE VAJIĆ

The main issue to be resolved in this case is the effect of the application of the proportionality test to the facts. Proportionality between, on the one hand, the right of parents to ensure their children's education and teaching in conformity with their own religious and philosophical convictions, and, on the other hand, the right or interest of at least a very large segment of society to display religious symbols as a manifestation of religion or belief. Consequently, both the competing values involved in this case are simultaneously protected by the Convention, through Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 (the lex specialis), read in the light of Article 9 of the Convention, in so far as the parents are concerned, and Article 9 of the Convention, in so far as society's rights are concerned.

Concerning, first, the parents' right, the Court's judgment underlines that the word “respect” in the second sentence of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 “means more than 'acknowledge' or 'take into account'; in addition to a primarily negative obligation, it implies some positive obligation on the part of the State” (see paragraph 61 of the judgment). Yet the respect due to the parents, even in the form of some positive obligation, “does not prevent States from imparting through teaching or education information or knowledge of a directly or indirectly religious or philosophical kind. It does not even permit parents to object to the integration of such teaching or education in the school curriculum” (see paragraph 62).

This last reference to the Convention's case-law needs, I think, some further analysis. It is indisputable that Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 enshrines the fundamental right to education: a sacrosanct individual right – which undoubtedly can also be seen from the angle of a social right – that seems to be constantly gaining ground in our European societies. However, while the right to education constitutes one of the cornerstones of the protection of individuals under the Convention, the same cannot be said with equal force, to my mind, of the subordinate right of parents to ensure their children's education in accordance with their religious or philosophical beliefs. Here matters differ considerably, for a number of reasons:

(i)  that right, although linked to the right to education, does not directly vest in the basic recipient of the right, namely, in the recipient of the education, that is, the one who has the right to be educated. It vests in the parents – whose direct right to education is not at stake in the circumstances  – and is limited to one aspect of education alone: their religious and philosophical convictions.

(ii)  although there is admittedly an obvious relationship between the education that children receive in their schools and the religious and philosophical ideas and opinions, deriving from convictions, which exist in the family environment – a relationship that requires a degree of harmonisation in these matters between the school and home environments – Europe has nevertheless changed dramatically regarding this aspect as well as others since Protocol No. 1 was adopted. Most of us now live in multicultural, multi-ethnic societies within our national States, a feature which has become a common characteristic of those societies, and children living in that environment are exposed, in their everyday life, to ideas and opinions which go beyond those emanating from school and their parents. Human relations outside the parental roof and modern means of communication undoubtedly contribute to that effect. As a consequence, children become accustomed to receiving a variety of frequently conflicting ideas and opinions and the role of both school and parents in these matters has become relatively less influential.

(iii)  as a result of the changed composition of our societies, it is increasingly difficult for a State to cater for the individual needs of parents on educational issues. I would go as far as saying that its main concern, and this is a valid concern, should be to offer children an education which will ensure their fullest integration into the society in which they live and prepare them, in the best possible way, to cope effectively with the expectations that that society has of its members. Although this characteristic of education is not a new one – it has existed since time immemorial – it has recently acquired more obvious importance because of the particularities of our era and the composition of societies today. Again, the duties of the State have largely shifted from concerns of parents to concerns of society at large, thus reducing the extent of the parents' ability to determine, outside the home, the kind of education that their children receive.

In conclusion, it seems to me that, unlike other guarantees of the Convention, in respect of which the case-law of the Convention has increased the purview of protection, including the right to education, the right of parents, under the second sentence of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1, does not seem realistically to be gaining weight in the balancing exercise of the proportionality test.

At the other end of the spectrum, representing the other limb of the proportionality equation, lies the right of society, as reflected in the authorities' measure in maintaining crucifixes on the walls of State schools, to manifest their (majority) religious beliefs. Does this right, in the circumstances of the case, override the right of parents to educate their children in accordance with their religion and – more specifically in the circumstances of the present case – their philosophical convictions?

The answer should be given by interpreting the Convention case-law and applying it to the particular circumstances of this case. And the first question which must be settled is the issue of a European consensus. Is there any European consensus on the matter – allowing, imposing or prohibiting the display of Christian religious symbols in State schools – which should determine the position of the Court on the matter?

The answer emerges clearly from this very judgment of the Court, and from the part dealing with the overview of law and practice in the member States of the Council of Europe with regard to the presence of religious symbols in “State schools” (see paragraphs 26 et seq.): there is no consensus among European States prohibiting the presence of such religious symbols, and few States expressly forbid them. There is, of course, a growing trend towards proscribing the possibility of displaying crucifixes in State schools – mainly through rulings of the higher national courts – but the number of States that have adopted measures prohibiting the display of crucifixes in public places and the extent of domestic judicial activity do not allow the Court to presume that a consensus has been reached against displaying them. This is particularly true if one takes into account that there are a number of States in Europe where the Christian religion is still the official or predominant religion and, moreover, as I have just underscored, that a number of States clearly allow, through their law or practice, crucifixes to be displayed in public places.

It should be observed here, while we are on the subject of a consensus, that the Court is a court of law, not a legislative body. Whenever it embarks on a search for the limits of the Convention's protection, it carefully takes into consideration the existing degree of protection at the level of the European States; it can, of course, afford to develop that protection at a level higher than the one offered by a specific respondent State, but on condition that there are strong indications that a great number of other European States have already adopted that degree of protection, or that there is a clear trend towards an increased level of protection. That principle cannot positively apply in the present case, although there is admittedly an emerging trend towards prohibiting the display of religious symbols in public institutions.

In view of the fact that there is still a mixed practice among European States on the issue, the only remaining guidance for the Court in achieving the correct balance between the rights involved comes from its prior case-law. The keywords deriving from the prior case-law are “neutrality and impartiality”. As the Court has noted in the present judgment, “States have responsibility for ensuring, neutrally and impartially, the exercise of various religions, faiths and beliefs. Their role is to help maintain public order, religious harmony and tolerance in a democratic society, particularly between opposing groups” (see paragraph 60, in fine).

It is, I think, indisputable that the display of crucifixes in Italian State schools has a religious symbolism that has an impact on the obligation of neutrality and impartiality of the State, despite the fact that in a modern European society symbols seem to be gradually losing the very important weight that they used to have in the past and more pragmatic and rationalistic approaches now determine, for large segments of the population, the real social and ideological values.

The question which therefore arises at this juncture is whether the display of the crucifix not only affects neutrality and impartiality, which it clearly does, but whether the extent of the transgression justifies a finding of a violation of the Convention in the circumstances of the present case. Here I conclude, not without some hesitation, that it does not, in accordance with the main reasoning of the Court's approach and, more particularly, the role of the majority religion of Italian society (see paragraph 71), the essentially passive nature of the symbol, which cannot amount to indoctrination (see paragraph 72), and also the educational context within which the crucifix appears on the walls of State schools. As the judgment has pointed out, “[f]irstly, the presence of crucifixes is not associated with compulsory teaching about Christianity ... Secondly ... Italy opens up the school environment in parallel to other religions. The Government indicated in this connection that it was not forbidden for pupils to wear Islamic headscarves or other symbols or apparel having a religious connotation; alternative arrangements were possible to help schooling fit in with non-majority religious practices; ... and optional religious education could be organised in schools for 'all recognised religious creeds'...” (see paragraph 74 of the judgment). These elements, demonstrating a religious tolerance which is expressed through a liberal approach allowing all religions denominations to freely manifest their religious convictions in State schools, are, to my mind, a major factor in “neutralising” the symbolic importance of the presence of the crucifix in State schools.

I would also say that this same liberal approach serves the very concept of “neutrality”; it is the other side of the coin from, for example, a policy of prohibiting any religious symbols from being displayed in public places.

 

CONCURRING OPINION OF JUDGE BONELLO

1.1  A court of human rights cannot allow itself to suffer from historical Alzheimer's. It has no right to disregard the cultural continuum of a nation's flow through time, nor to ignore what, over the centuries, has served to mould and define the profile of a people. No supranational court has any business substituting its own ethical mock-ups for those qualities that history has imprinted on the national identity. On a human rights court falls the function of protecting fundamental rights, but never ignoring that “customs are not passing whims. They evolve over time, harden over history into cultural cement. They become defining, all-important badges of identity for nations, tribes, religions, individuals”.[1]

1.2  A European court should not be called upon to bankrupt centuries of European tradition. No court, certainly not this Court, should rob the Italians of part of their cultural personality.

1.3  I believe that before joining any crusade to demonise the crucifix, we should start by placing the presence of that emblem in Italian schools in its rightful historical perspective. For many centuries, virtually the only education in Italy was provided by the Church, its religious orders and organisations – and very few besides. Many, if not most schools, colleges, universities and other institutes of learning in Italy had been founded, funded, or run by the Church, its members or its offshoots. The milestones of history turned education and Christianity into almost interchangeable notions, and because of this, the age-old presence of the crucifix in Italian schools should come as no shock or surprise. In fact, its absence would have come as a surprise and a shock.

1.4  Until relatively recently, the “secular” State had hardly bothered with education, and, by default, had delegated that primary function to Christian institutions. Only slowly did the State start assuming its responsibilities to educate and to offer the population some alternatives to a virtual religious monopoly on education. The presence of the crucifix in Italian schools only testifies to this compelling and millennial historical reality – it could loosely be said that it has been there since schools have been there. Now, a court in a glass box a thousand kilometres away has been engaged to veto overnight what has survived countless generations. The Court has been asked to be an accomplice in a major act of cultural vandalism. I believe William Faulkner went to the core of the issue: the past is never dead. In fact it is not even past.[2] Like it or not, the perfumes and the stench of history will always be with you.

1.5  It is uninformed nonsense to assert that the presence of the crucifix in Italian schools bears witness to a reactionary fascist measure imposed, in between gulps of castor oil, by Signor Mussolini. His circulars merely took formal notice of a historical reality that had predated him by several centuries and, pace Ms Lautsi's anti-crucifix vitriol, may still survive him for a long time. This Court ought to be ever cautious in taking liberties with other peoples' liberties, including the liberty of cherishing their own cultural imprinting. Whatever that is, it is unrepeatable. Nations do not fashion their histories on the spur of the moment.

1.6  The scansion of the Italian school calendar further testifies to the inextricable historical links between education and religion in Italy, obstinate ties which have lasted throughout the centuries. School children to the very present day toil on the days consecrated to the pagan gods (Diana/Luna, Mars, Hercules, Jove, Venus, Saturn) and rest on Sunday (domenica, the day of the Lord). The school calendar apes the religious calendar closely – holidays double the Christian ones: Easter, Christmas, Lent, Carnival (carnevale, the time when church discipline allowed the consumption of meat), the Epiphany, Pentecost, the Assumption, Corpus Domini, Advent, All Saints, All Souls: an annual cycle far more glaringly non-secularist than any crucifix on any wall. May it please Ms Lautsi, in her own name and on behalf of secularism, not to enlist the services of this Court to ensure the suppression of the Italian school calendar, another Christian-cultural heritage that has survived the centuries without any evidence of irreparable harm to the progress of freedom, emancipation, democracy and civilisation.

What rights? Freedom of religion and conscience?

2.1  The issues in this controversy have been fudged by a deplorable lack of clarity and definition. The Convention enshrines the protection of freedom of religion and of conscience (Article 9). Nothing less, obviously, but little more.

2.2  In parallel with freedom of religion, there has evolved in civilised societies a catalogue of noteworthy (often laudable) values cognate to, but different from, freedom of religion, like secularism, pluralism, the separation of Church and State, religious neutrality, religious tolerance. All of these represent superior democratic commodities which Contracting States are free to invest in or not to invest in, and many have done just that. But these are not values protected by the Convention, and it is fundamentally flawed to juggle these dissimilar concepts as if they were interchangeable with freedom of religion. Sadly, traces of such all but rigorous overspill appear in the Court's case-law too

2.3  The Convention has given this Court the remit to enforce freedom of religion and of conscience, but has not empowered it to bully States into secularism or to coerce countries into schemes of religious neutrality. It is for each individual State to choose whether to be secular or not, and whether, and to what extent, to separate Church and governance. What is not for the State to do is to deny freedom of religion and of conscience to anyone. An immense, axiomatic chasm separates one prescriptive concept from the other non-prescriptive ones.

2.4  Most of the arguments raised by the applicant called upon the Court to ensure the separation of Church and State and to enforce a regime of aseptic secularism in Italian schools. Bluntly, that ought to be none of this Court's business. This Court has to see that Ms Lautsi and her children enjoy to the full their fundamental right to freedom of religion and conscience. Period.

2.5  The Convention proves to be quite helpful with its detailed and exhaustive inventory of what freedom of religion and conscience really means, and we would do well to keep these institutional constraints in mind. Freedom of religion is not secularism. Freedom of religion is not the separation of Church and State. Freedom of religion is not religious equidistance – all seductive notions, but of which no one has so far appointed this Court to be the custodian. In Europe, secularism is optional, freedom of religion is not.

2.6  Freedom of religion, and freedom from religion, in substance, consist in the rights to profess freely any religion of the individual's choice, the right to freely change one's religion, the right not to embrace any religion at all, and the right to manifest one's religion by means of belief, worship, teaching and observance. Here the Convention catalogue grinds to a halt, well short of the promotion of any State secularism.

2.7  This Court's rather modest function remains that of determining whether the exposure in State schoolrooms of what to some is a Christian symbol and to others a cultural gadget in any way interfered with Ms Lautsi's and her children's basic right to freedom of religion – as defined by the Convention itself 

2.8  I believe anyone could persuasively try to argue that the presence of the crucifix in Italian State schools might possibly offend the doctrine of secularism and that of the separation between Church and State. At the same time I do not believe that anyone can persuasively plead that the presence of a crucifix interfered in any way with the Lautsis' right to profess any religion of their choice, to change their religion, not to have any religion at all or to manifest their beliefs, if any, by worship, teaching and observance, or with their right to reject outright anything they may consider insipid superstitious junk.

2.9  With or without a crucifix on a schoolroom wall, the Lautsis enjoyed the most absolute and untrammelled freedom of conscience and religion as demarcated by the Convention. The presence of a crucifix in a State classroom might conceivably be viewed as a betrayal of secularism and an unjustifiable failure of the regime of separation between Church and State – but these doctrines, however alluring and beguiling, are nowhere mandated by the Convention, nor are they necessary constitutive elements of the freedoms of conscience and of religion. It is for the Italian authorities, not for this Court, to enforce secularism if they believe it forms part, or should form part, of the Italian constitutional architecture.

2.10  Seen in the light of the historical roots of the presence of the crucifix in Italian schools, removing it from where it has quietly and passively been for centuries, would hardly have been a manifestation of neutrality by the State. Its removal would have been a positive and aggressive espousal of agnosticism or of secularism – and consequently anything but neutral. Keeping a symbol where it has always been is no act of intolerance by believers or cultural traditionalists. Dislodging it would be an act of intolerance by agnostics and secularists.

2.11  Millions of Italian children have, over the centuries, been exposed to the crucifix in schools. This has neither turned Italy into a confessional State, nor the Italians into citizens of a theocracy. The applicants have failed to unfurl before the Court any evidence at all that those exposed to the crucifix forfeited in any way their complete freedom to manifest their individual and personal religious belief, or their right to repudiate any religion. The presence of a crucifix in a schoolroom does not seem to have hindered any Italian in his or her liberty to believe or to disbelieve, to embrace atheism, agnosticism, anti-clericalism, secularism, materialism, relativism, or doctrinaire irreligion, to recant, apostatise, or to embrace whatever creed or “heresy” of their choice they find sufficiently appealing, with the same vigour and gusto others freely embrace a Christian faith. Had any such evidence been adduced, I would have been strident in my voting for finding a violation of the Convention.

What rights? Right to education?

3.1  Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 guarantees the right of parents to ensure that the teaching their children receive is in conformity with their own religious and philosophical convictions. The Court has to supervise and ensure respect for this right.

3.2  Does the mere silent and passive presence of a symbol in a classroom in an Italian school amount to “teaching”? Does it hinder the exercise of the guaranteed right? Try hard as I might, I fail to see how. The Convention specifically and exclusively bans any teaching in schools unwelcome to parents on religious, ethical and philosophical grounds. The keyword of this norm is obviously “teaching” and I doubt how far the mute presence of a symbol of European cultural continuity would amount to teaching in any sense of that fairly unambiguous word.

3.3  In my view, what the Convention prohibits are any indoctrination, arrant or devious, the aggressive confiscation of young minds, invasive proselytism, the putting in place by the public educational system of any obstacle to the avowal of atheism, agnosticism or alternative religious options. The mere display of a voiceless testimonial of a historical symbol, so emphatically part of the European heritage, in no way amounts to “teaching”, nor does it undermine in any meaningful manner the fundamental right of parents to determine what, if any, religious orientation their children are to follow.

3.4.  But, even assuming that the mere existence of a mute object should be construed as “teaching”, the applicants have failed to answer the far more cardinal question of proportionality, intimately related to the exercise of fundamental rights when these conflict with the rights of others – the weighting to be given to the various competing interests.

3.5  All the parents of all the thirty pupils in an Italian classroom enjoy equally the fundamental Convention right to have their children receive teaching in conformity with their own religious and philosophical convictions, at least analogous to that of the Lautsi children. The parents of one pupil want that to be “non-crucifix” schooling, and the parents of the other twenty-nine, exercising their equally fundamental freedom of decision, want that schooling to be “crucifix” schooling. No one has so far suggested any reason why the will of the parents of one pupil should prevail, and that of the parents of the other twenty-nine pupils should founder. The parents of the twenty-nine have the fundamental right, equivalent in force and commensurate in intensity, to have their children receive teaching in conformity with their own religious and philosophical convictions, be they crucifix-friendly or merely crucifix-indifferent. Ms Lautsi cannot award herself a licence to overrule the right of all the other parents of all the other pupils in that classroom, who want to exercise the same right she has asked this Court to inhibit others from exercising.

3.6  The crucifix purge promoted by Ms Lautsi would not in any way be a measure to ensure neutrality in the classroom. It would be an imposition of the crucifix-hostile philosophy of the parents of one pupil, over the crucifix-receptive philosophy of the parents of all the other twenty-nine. If the parents of one pupil claim the right to have their child raised in the absence of a crucifix, the parents of the other twenty-nine should well be able to claim an equal right to its presence, whether as a traditional Christian emblem or even solely as a cultural souvenir.

An aside

4.1  Very recently, this Court was called upon to determine whether a ban ordered by the Turkish authorities on the distribution of Guillaume Apollinaire's novel Les onze mille verges could be justified in a democratic society. That novel would only fail to qualify as fierce pornography through the most lavish disregard of contemporary standards of morality.[3] Yet the Court manfully saved that smear of transcendental smut on the ground that it formed part of European cultural heritage.[4]

4.2  It would have been quite bizarre, in my view, for this Court to protect and redeem an under-the-counter, over-the-borderline discharge of nauseous obscenity on the ground of its distinctly faint “European heritage” merit, and, in the same breath, deny European heritage value to an emblem recognised over the centuries by millions of Europeans as a timeless symbol of redemption through universal love.

 

CONCURRING OPINION OF JUDGE POWER

This case raises issues as to the scope of certain provisions of the Convention and the Grand Chamber's rectification of a number of errors in the Chamber's Judgment was both necessary and appropriate. The core correction consists in the finding that the decision as to whether crucifixes should be present in state-school classrooms is, in principle, a matter falling within the margin of appreciation of a respondent state (§ 70). In exercising its supervisory role, the Court has confirmed its earlier case law[5] to the effect that the 'preponderant visibility' within a school environment which a state may confer on a country's majority religion is not, in itself, sufficient to indicate a process of indoctrination such as would establish a breach of the requirements of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 (§ 71).

The Grand Chamber has also corrected the rather speculative conclusion in the Chamber judgment (see § 55) as to the “particularly strong” risk of emotional disturbance which the presence of a crucifix may pose to children of minority religions or none. Given the critical role of “evidence in any Court proceedings, the Grand Chamber has correctly noted that there was no evidence opened to the Court to indicate any influence which the presence of a religious symbol may have on school pupils (§ 66). While acknowledging as “understandable” the first applicant's perception of a lack of respect for her rights, the Grand Chamber has confirmed that her subjective perception is not sufficient to establish a breach of Article 2 of Protocol No 1. The first applicant may have taken offence at the presence of a crucifix in classrooms but the existence of a right 'not to be offended' has never been recognised within the Convention. In reversing the Chamber's judgment, the Grand Chamber does no more than confirm a body of settled jurisprudence (notably under Article 10) which recognises that mere 'offence' is not something against which an individual may be immunized by law.

However, there was another fundamental and, in my view, erroneous conclusion in the Chamber's Judgment upon which the Grand Chamber did not comment and which, to my mind, merited clarification. The Chamber referred, correctly, to the State's duty to uphold confessional neutrality in public education (§ 56). However, it proceeded, to conclude, incorrectly, that this duty required the effective preference or elevation of one ideology (or body of ideas) over all other religious and/or philosophical perspectives or world views. Neutrality requires a pluralist approach on the part of the State, not a secularist one. It encourages respect for all world views rather than a preference for one. To my mind, the Chamber Judgment was striking in its failure to recognise that secularism (which was the applicant's preferred belief or world view) was, in itself, one ideology among others. A preference for secularism over alternative world views—whether religious, philosophical or otherwise—is not a neutral option. The Convention requires that respect be given to the first applicant's convictions insofar as the education and teaching of her children was concerned. It does not require a preferential option for and endorsement of those convictions over and above all others.

In his separate opinion, Judge Bonello has pointed to the fact that within the European tradition, education (and, to my mind, the values of human dignity, tolerance and respect for the individual, without which there can be no lasting basis for human rights protection) is rooted, historically, inter alia, within the Christian tradition. To prohibit in public schools, regardless of the wishes of the body politic, the display of a symbol representative of that (or indeed any other religious) tradition and to require of the State that it pursues not a pluralist but a secularist agenda, risks venturing towards the territory of intolerance – a concept that is contrary to the values of the Convention.

The applicants complain of an alleged violation of their rights to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. I can find no interference with their freedom to manifest their personal beliefs. The test of a violation under Article 9 is not “offence” but “coercion”.[6] That article does not create a right not to be offended by the manifestation of the religious beliefs of others even where those beliefs are given 'preponderant visibility' by the State. The display of a religious symbol does not compel or coerce an individual to do or to refrain from doing anything. It does not require engagement in any activity though it may, conceivably, invite or stimulate discussion and an open exchange of views. It does not prevent an individual from following his or her own conscience nor does it make it unfeasible for such a person to manifest his or her own religious beliefs and ideas.

The Grand Chamber has found that the presence of the crucifix is, essentially, a passive symbol and it regards this point as being of great importance having regard to the principle of neutrality. I agree with the Court in this regard insofar as the symbol's passivity is not in any way coercive. However, I would have to concede that, in principle, symbols (whether religious, cultural or otherwise) are carriers of meaning. They may be silent but they may, nevertheless, speak volumes without, however, doing so in a coercive or in an indoctrinating manner. The uncontested evidence before the Court is that Italy opens up the school environment to a variety of religions and there is no evidence of any intolerance shown towards non-believers or those who hold non-religious philosophical convictions. Islamic headscarves may be worn. The beginning and end of Ramadan are “often celebrated”. Within such a pluralist and religiously tolerant context, a Christian symbol on a classroom wall presents yet another and a different world view. The presentation of and engagement with different points of view is an intrinsic part of the educative process. It acts as a stimulus to dialogue. A truly pluralist education involves exposure to a variety of different ideas including those which are different from one's own. Dialogue becomes possible and, perhaps, is at its most meaningful where there is a genuine difference of opinion and an honest exchange of views. When pursued in a spirit of openness, curiosity, tolerance and respect, this encounter may lead towards greater clarity and vision as it fosters the development of critical thinking. Education would be diminished if children were not exposed to different perspectives on life and, in being so exposed, provided with the opportunity to learn the importance of respect for diversity.

 

DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE MALINVERNI JOINED BY JUDGE KALAYDJIEVA

(Translation)

1.  The Grand Chamber has reached the conclusion that there has not been a violation of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 on the ground that the decision whether crucifixes should be present in State-school classrooms is, in principle, a matter falling within the margin of appreciation of the respondent State (see paragraph 70, and also paragraph 69).

I have difficulty following that line of argument. Whilst the doctrine of the margin of appreciation may be useful, or indeed convenient, it is a tool that needs to be handled with care because the scope of that margin will depend on a great many factorsthe right in issuethe seriousness of the infringement, the existence of a European consensus, etc. The Court has thus affirmed that “the scope of this margin of appreciation is not identical in each case but will vary according to the context ... . Relevant factors include the nature of the Convention right in issue, its importance for the individual and the nature of the activities concerned.[7] The proper application of this theory will thus depend on the importance to be attached to each of these various factors. Where the Court decrees that the margin of appreciation is a narrow oneit will generally find a violation of the Convention; where it considers that the margin of appreciation is widethe respondent State will usually be “acquitted”.

In the present case it is by relying mainly on the lack of any European consensus that the Grand Chamber has allowed itself to invoke the doctrine of the margin of appreciation (see paragraph 70). In that connection I would observe that, besides Italy, it is in only a very limited number of member States of the Council of Europe (Austria, Poland, certain regions of Germany (Länder) – see paragraph 27) that there is express provision for the presence of religious symbols in State schools. In the vast majority of the member States the question is not specifically regulatedOn that basis I find it difficult, in such circumstances, to draw definite conclusions regarding a European consensus.

With regard to the regulations governing this question, I would point out in passing that the presence of crucifixes in Italian State schools has an extremely weak basis in lawa very old royal decree dating back to 1860, then a fascist circular of 1922, and then royal decrees of 1924 and 1928. These are therefore very old instruments, which, as they were not enacted by Parliament, are lacking in any democratic legitimacy.

What I find more important, however, is that where they have been required to give a ruling on the issue, the European supreme or constitutional courts have always, without exception, given precedence to the principle of State denominational neutrality: the German Constitutional Court, thSwiss Federal Courtthe Polish Constitutional Court and, in a slightly different context, the Italian Court of Cassation (see paragraphs 28 and 23).

Be that as it may, one thing is certain: the doctrine of the margin of appreciation should not in any circumstances exempt the Court from the duty to exercise the function conferred on iunder Article 19 of the Convention, which is to ensure the observance of the engagements undertaken by the High Contracting Parties in the Convention and the Protocols thereto. Now, the wording of the second sentence of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 confers a positive obligation on States to respect the right of parents to ensure education and teaching in conformity with their own religious and philosophical convictions.

That positive obligation derives from the verb respect, which appears in Article 2 of Protocol No. 1. As the Grand Chamber has rightly pointed out, in addition to a primarily negative undertakingthis verb implies some positive obligation on the part of the State (see paragraph 61). Such a positive obligation can, moreover, also be inferred from Article 9 of the Convention. That provision can be interpreted as conferring on States a positive obligation to create a climate of tolerance and mutual respect among their population.

Can it be maintained that the States properly comply with that positive obligation where they mainly have regard to the beliefs held by the majority? Moreover, is the scope of the margin of appreciation the same where the national authorities are required to comply with a positive obligation and where they merely have to comply with an obligation of abstention? I do not think so. I incline, rather, to the view that where the States are bound by positive obligations their margin of appreciation is reduced.

In any event, according to the case-law, the margin of appreciation is subject to European supervision. The Court's task then consists in ensuring that the limit on the margin of appreciation has not been oversteppedIn the present case, whilst acknowledging that by prescribing the presence of crucifixes in State-school classrooms the regulations confer on the country's majority religion preponderant visibility in the school environment, the Grand Chamber has taken the view that “that is not in itself sufficient, however, to ... establish a breach of the requirements of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1I cannot share that view.

2.  We now live in a multicultural society, in which the effective protection of religious freedom and of the right to education requires strict State neutrality in State-school education, which must make every effort to promote pluralism in education as a fundamental feature of a democratic society within the meaning of the Convention.[8] The principle of State neutrality has, moreover, been expressly recognised by the Italian Constitutional Court itself, in whose view it flows from the fundamental principlof equality of all citizens and the prohibition of any discrimination that the State must adopt an attitude of impartiality towardreligious beliefs.[9]

The second sentence of Article 2 of Protocol No. implies that the State, in fulfilling the functions assumed by it in regard to education and teaching, must take care that knowledge is conveyed in an objective, critical and pluralistic manner. Schools should be a meeting place for different religions and philosophical convictions, in which pupils can acquire knowledge about their respective thoughts and traditions.

3.  These principles are valid not only for the devising and planning of thschool curriculum, which are not in issue in the present case, but also for the school environment. Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 specifies that in the exercise of any functions which it assumes in relation to education and to teaching the State shall respect the right of parents to ensure such education and teaching in conformity with their own religious and philosophical convictions. In other words, the principle of State denominational neutrality applies not only to the content of the curriculum, but the whole educational system. In the case of Folgerø the Court rightly pointed out that the duty conferred on the States under that provision is broad in its extent as it applies not only to the content of education and the manner of its provision but also to the performance of all the 'functions' assumed by the State.[10]

This view is shared by other both domestic and international bodies. Thus, in its General Comment No. 1, the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child has affirmed that the right to education refers “not only to the content of the curriculum, but also the educational processes, the pedagogical methods and the environment within which education takes place, whether it be the home, school, or elsewhere”[11], and also that “the school environment itself must thus reflect the freedom and the spirit of understanding, peace, tolerance, equality of sexes, and friendship among all peoples, ethnic, national and religious groups”.[12]

The Supreme Court of Canada has also observed that the school environment is an integral part of discrimination-free education: “In order to ensure a discrimination-free educational environment, the school environment must be one where all are treated equally and all are encouraged to fully participate.”[13]

4.  Religious symbols are indisputably part of the school environment. As such, they might therefore infringe the duty of State neutrality and have an impact on religious freedom and the right to education. This is particularly true where the religious symbol is imposed on pupils, even against their willAs the German Constitutional Court observed in its famous judgment: “Certainly, in a society that allows room for differing religious convictions, the individual has no right to be spared from other manifestations of faith, acts of worship or religious symbols. This is however to be distinguished from a situation created by the State where the individual is exposed without possibility of escape to the influence of a particular faith, to the acts through which it is manifested and to the symbols in which it is presented”[14]That view is shared by other supreme or constitutional courts.

Thus, the Swiss Federal Court has found that the duty of denominational neutrality incumbent on the State is of special importance in State schools, where schooling is compulsory. It went on to say that, as guarantor of the denominational neutrality of the school system, the State could not, where teaching was concerned, manifest its own attachment to a particular religion, be it a majority or a minority one, because certain people may feel that their religious beliefs are impinged upon by the constant presence at school of the symbol of a religion to which they do not belong.[15]

5.  The crucifix is undeniably a religious symbol. The respondent Government argued that, in the context of the school environment, the crucifix symbolised the religious origin of values that had now become secular, such as tolerance and mutual respect. It thus fulfilled a highly educational symbolic function, irrespective of the religion professed by the pupils, because it was the expression of an entire civilisation and universal values.

In my view, the presence of the crucifix in classrooms goes well beyond the use of symbols in particular historical contextsThe Court has moreover held that the traditional nature, in the social and historical sense, of a text used by members of parliament when swearing loyalty did not deprive the oath to be sworn of its religious nature.[16] As observed by the Chamber, negative freedom of religion is not restricted to the absence of religious services or religious education. It also extends to symbols expressing a belief or a religion. That negative right deserves special protection if it is the State which displays a religious symbol and dissenters are placed in a situation from which they cannot extract themselves.[17] Even if it is accepted that the crucifix can have multiple meanings, the religious meaning still remains the predominant one. In the context of state education it is necessarily perceived as an integral part of the school environment and may even be considered as a powerful external symbol. I note, moreover, that even the Italian Court of Cassation rejected the argument that the crucifix symbolised values independent of a particular religious belief (see paragraph 67).

6.  The presence of crucifixes in schools is capable of infringing religious freedom and schoolchildren's right to education to a greater degree than religious apparel that, for example, a teacher might wear, such as the Islamic headscarf. In the latter example the teacher in question may invoke her own freedom of religion, which must also be taken into account, and which the State must also respectThe public authorities cannot, however, invoke such a right. From the point of view of the seriousness of the infringement of the principle of State denominational neutrality, this will accordingly be of a lesser degree where the public authorities tolerate the headscarf in schools than where they impose the presence of crucifixes.

7.  The impact which the presence of crucifixes may have in schools is also incommensurable with the impact that they may have in other public establishments, such as a voting booth or a courtAs the Chamber rightly pointed out, in schools “the compelling power of the State is imposed on minds which still lack the critical capacity which would enable them to keep their distance from the message derived from a preference manifested by the State” (see § 48 of the Chamber judgment).

8.  To conclude, effective protection of the rights guaranteed by Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 and Article 9 of the Convention requires States to observe the strictest denominational neutrality. This is not limited to the school curriculum, but also extends to “the school environment”As primary and secondary schooling are compulsory, the State should not impose on pupils, against their will and without their being able to extract themselvesthe symbol of a religion with which they do not identify. In doing so, the respondent Government have violated Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 and Article 9 of the Convention.


[1].  Justin Marozzi, The Man who Invented History, John Murray, 2009, p. 97.

[2]  Requiem for a nun, 1951.

[3].  Wikipedia classifies this work as “a pornographic novel” in which the author “explores all aspects of sexuality: sadism alternates with masochism; ondinism/scatophilia with vampirism; paedophilia with genrontophilia; masturbation with group sex; lesbianism with homosexuality ... the novel exudes an infernal joy”.

[4].  Akdaş v. Turkey, no. 41056/04, 16 February 2010.

[5].  See Folgerø and Others v. Norway [GC], no. 15472/02, § 89, ECHR 2007VIII; see also Hasan and Eylem Zengin v. Turkey, no. 1448/04, § 63, ECHR 2007XI.

[6].  See Buscarini and Others v. San Marino [GC], no. 24645/94, ECHR 1999I; see also the Supreme Holy Council of the Muslim Community v. Bulgaria, no. 39023/97, 16 December 2004.

[7].  Buckley v. the United Kingdom, 25 September 1996, § 74, Reports of Judgments and Decisions 1996IV.

[8].  Manoussakis and Others v. Greece, 26 September 1996, § 47; Kokkinakis v. Greece, 25 May 1993, § 31.

[9].  Italian Constitutional Court, judgment no. 508/2000.

[10].  Folgerø and Others v. Norway, 29 June 2007, § 84. Our italics.

[11]   Committee on the Rights of the Child, General Comment No. 1, of 4 April 2001, The Aims of Education, para. 8. Our italics.

[12]  Idem, para. 19. Our italics.

[13]   Supreme Court of CanadaRoss v. New Brunswick School District no. 15, para. 100.

[14].  German Constitutional Court, BVerfGE 93, I I BvR 1097/91, judgment of 16 May 1995, § C (II) (1), non-official translation.

[15]  Swiss Federal Court, ATF 116 Ia 252, Comune di Cadro, judgment of 26 September 1990, § 7.

[16].  Buscarini and Others v. San Marino [GC], no. 24645/94, ECHR 1999I.

[17].  Lautsi v. Italy, no. 30814/06, § 55, 3 November 2009.

Nema povezane prakse za ovu presudu.